If the states have been loyal to the empire, the imperial government has
also respected the constitutional privileges of the states. The
harmonious working of the constitution depends on the union of policy
between the empire and Prussia, for it is the power of Prussia which
gives strength to the empire. This was practically secured by the fact
that the emperor, who is king of Prussia, appoints the chancellor, and
the chancellor is generally president of the Prussian ministry as well
as minister of foreign affairs--in his person the government of the two
is identified. For twenty years the double office was held by Bismarck,
who, supported as he was by the absolute confidence of the emperor, and
also of the allied princes, held a position greater than that ever
attained by any subject in modern Europe since the time of Richelieu.
For ten months in 1873 he, indeed, resigned the office of
minister-president to Roon; and in the same way Caprivi, during the
years 1893-1894, held the chancellorship alone; but in neither case was
the experiment successful, and Hohenlohe and Bülow adhered to the older
plan. So important is the practical co-operation of the imperial
administration and the Prussian government, that it has become customary
to appoint to seats in the Prussian ministry the more important of the
secretaries of state who administer imperial affairs under the
chancellor. Delbrück, head of the imperial chancery, had held this
position since 1868; in 1877 Bülow, secretary of state for foreign
affairs, was appointed Prussian minister, and this has become the
ordinary practice. One result of this is to diminish the control which
the Prussian parliament is able to maintain over the Prussian ministry.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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