German emigrants, and though any political power was for the time
impossible, German commerce increased greatly throughout South America.
Naval programme, 1897.
Encouraged by the interest which the events in China had aroused, a very
important project was laid before the Reichstag in November 1897, which
would enable Germany to take a higher place among the maritime powers. A
completely new procedure was introduced. Instead of simply proposing to
build a number of new ships, the bill laid down permanently the number
of ships of every kind of which the navy was to consist. They were to be
completed by 1904; and the bill also specified how often ships of each
class were to be replaced. The plan would establish a normal fleet, and
the Reichstag, having once assented, would lose all power of controlling
the naval budget. The bill was strongly opposed by the Radicals; the
Centre was divided; but the very strong personal influence of the
emperor, supported by an agitation of the newly-formed _Flottenverein_
(an imitation of the English Navy League), so influenced public opinion
that the opposition broke down. A general election was imminent, and no
party dared to go to the country as the opponents of the fleet.
Hostility to England.
Pro-Boer movement.
Navy Bill, 1900.
Scarcely had the bill been carried when a series of events took place
which still more fully turned public attention to colonial affairs, and
seemed to justify the action of the government. The war between the
United States and Spain showed how necessary an efficient fleet was
under modern conditions, and also caused some feeling of apprehension
for the future arising from the new policy of extension adopted by the
United States. And the brewing of the storm in South Africa, where the
Boers were preparing to resist British suzerainty, helped to make the
nation regret that their fleet was not sufficiently strong to make
German sympathies effective. The government used with great address the
bitter irritation against Great Britain which had become one of the most
deep-seated elements in modern German life. This feeling had its origin
at first in a natural reaction against the excessive admiration for
English institutions which distinguished the Liberals of an older
generation. This reaction was deliberately fostered during Bismarck's
later years for internal reasons; for, as Great Britain was looked upon
as the home of parliamentary government and Free Trade, a less
favourable view might weaken German belief in doctrines and institutions
adopted from that country. There also existed in Germany a curious
compound of jealousy and contempt, natural in a nation the whole
institutions of which centred round the army and compulsory service, for
a nation whose institutions were based not on military, but on
parliamentary and legal institutions. It came about that in the minds of
many Germans the whole national regeneration was regarded as a
liberation from British influence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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