The second meeting of the provincial governors had just been prorogued
when, in the spring of 1878, the great minister, Okubo Toshimitsu, was
assassinated. Okubo, uniformly ready to bear the heaviest burden of
responsibility in every political complication, had stood prominently
before the nation as Saigo's opponent. He fell under the swords of
Saigo's sympathizers. They immediately surrendered themselves to
justice, having taken previous care to circulate a statement of motives,
which showed that they ranked the government's failure to establish
representative institutions as a sin scarcely less heinous than its
alleged abuses of power. Well-informed followers of Saigo could never
have been sincere believers in representative institutions. These men
belonged to a province far removed from the scene of Saigo's desperate
struggle. But the broad fact that they had sealed with their life-blood
an appeal for a political change indicated the existence of a strong
public conviction which would derive further strength from their act.
The Japanese are essentially a brave people. Throughout the troublous
events that preceded and followed the Restoration, it is not possible to
point to one man whose obedience to duty or conviction was visibly
weakened by prospects of personal peril. Okubo's assassination did not
alarm any of his colleagues; but they understood its suggestiveness, and
hastened to give effect to a previously formed resolve.
Local Government.
Two months after Okubo's death, an edict announced that elective
assemblies should forthwith be established in various prefectures and
cities. These assemblies were to consist of members having a high
property qualification, elected by voters having one-half of that
qualification; the voting to be by signed ballot, and the session to
last for one month in the spring of each year. As to their functions,
they were to determine the method of levying and spending local taxes,
subject to approval by the minister of state for home affairs; to
scrutinize the accounts for the previous year, and, if necessary, to
present petitions to the central government. Thus the foundations of
genuine representative institutions were laid. It is true that
legislative power was not vested in the local assemblies, but in all
other important respects they discharged parliamentary duties. Their
history need not be related at any length. Sometimes they came into
violent collision with the governor of the prefecture, and unsightly
struggles resulted. The governors were disposed to advocate public works
which the people considered extravagant; and further, as years went by,
and as political organizations grew stronger, there was found in each
assembly a group of men ready to oppose the governor simply because of
his official status. But on the whole the system worked well. The local
assemblies served as training schools for the future parliament, and
their members showed devotion to public duty as well as considerable
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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