making for change were, first, the ambition of the southern clans to
oust the Tokugawa, and, secondly, the samurai's loyal instinct,
reinforced by the teachings of his country's history, by the revival of
the Shinto cult, by the promptings of national enterprise, and by the
object-lessons of foreign intercourse.
Character of the Revolution.
But though essentially imperialistic in its prime purposes, the
revolution which involved the fall of the shogunate, and ultimately of
feudalism, may be called democratic with regard to the personnel of
those who planned and directed it. They were, for the most part, men
without either official rank or social standing. That is a point
essential to a clear understanding of the issue. Fifty-five individuals
may be said to have planned and carried out the overthrow of the Yedo
administration, and only five of them were territorial nobles. Eight,
belonging to the court nobility, laboured under the traditional
disadvantages of their class, poverty and political insignificance; and
the remaining forty-two, the hearts and hands of the movement, may be
described as ambitious youths, who sought to make a career for
themselves in the first place, and for their country in the second. The
average age of the whole did not exceed thirty. There was another
element for which any student of Japanese history might have been
prepared: the Satsuma samurai aimed originally not merely at
overthrowing the Tokugawa but also at obtaining the shogunate for their
own chief. Possibly it would be unjust to say that all the leaders of
the great southern clan harboured that idea. But some of them certainly
did, and not until they had consented to abandon the project did their
union with Choshu, the other great southern clan, become possible--a
union without which the revolution could scarcely have been
accomplished. This ambition of the Satsuma clansmen deserves special
mention, because it bore remarkable fruit; it may be said to have laid
the foundation of constitutional government in Japan. For, in
consequence of the distrust engendered by such aspirations, the authors
of the Restoration agreed that when the emperor assumed the reins of
power, he should solemnly pledge himself to convene a deliberative
assembly, to appoint to administrative posts men of intellect and
erudition wherever they might be found, and to decide all measures in
accordance with public opinion. This promise, referred to frequently in
later times as the Imperial oath at the Restoration, came to be
accounted the basis of representative institutions, though in reality it
was intended solely as a guarantee against the political ascendancy of
any one clan.
The Anti-feudal Idea.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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