deposit "of the faith" against all the depredations of heresy which
"when the sacred college of apostles had suffered death in various
forms, and the generation of those that had been deemed worthy to hear
the inspired wisdom with their own ears had passed away ... attempted
thenceforth with a bold face, to proclaim, in opposition to the
preaching of the truth, 'the knowledge which is falsely so-called
([Greek: pseudônymos gnôsis]).'" For an appeal like that of our epistle
to the authority of the past against the moral laxity and antinomian
teaching of degenerate Pauline churches in the Greek world, the natural
resort after Paul himself (Pastoral Epp.) would be the "kindred of the
Lord" who were the "leaders and witnesses in every church" in Palestine.
Doubtless the framer of Jude 1 would have preferred the aegis of "James
the Lord's brother," if this, like that of Paul, had not been already
appropriated. Failing this, the next most imposing was "Judas, the
brother of James."
The superscription in the case of Jude, unlike that of James, takes hold
of the substance of the book. Verse 3 and the farewell (v. 24 seq.) show
that Jude was composed from the start as an "epistle." If this
appearance be not fallacious, the obvious relation between the two
superscriptions will be best explained by the supposition that the
author of Jude gave currency to the existing homily (James) before
composing under the pseudonym of Jude. On the interconnexion of the two
see Sieffert, _s.v._ "Judasbrief" in Hauck, _Realencykl._ vol. ix.
Judas is conceived as cherishing the intention of discussing for the
benefit of the Christian world (for no mere local church is addressed)
the subject of "our common salvation" (the much desiderated
authoritative definition of the orthodox faith), but diverted from this
purpose by the growth of heresy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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