_Sources._--If from the general aim and spirit of Livy's history we pass
to consider his method of workmanship, we are struck at once by the very
different measure of success attained by him in the two great
departments of an historian's labour. He is a consummate artist, but an
unskilled and often careless investigator and critic. The materials
which lay ready to his hand may be roughly classed under two heads: (1)
the original evidence of monuments, inscriptions, &c., (2) the written
tradition as found in the works of previous authors. It is on the second
of these two kinds of evidence that Livy almost exclusively relies. Yet
that even for the very early times a certain amount of original evidence
still existed is proved by the use which was made of it by Dionysius,
who mentions at least three important inscriptions, two dating from the
regal period and one from the first years of the republic (iv. 26, iv.
58, x. 32). We know from Livy himself (iv. 20) that the breastplate
dedicated by Aulus Cornelius Cossus (428 B.C.) was to be seen in his own
day in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, nor is there any reason to
suppose that the _libri lintei_, quoted by Licinius Macer, were not
extant when Livy wrote. For more recent times the materials were
plentiful, and a rich field of research lay open to the student in the
long series of laws, decrees of the senate, and official registers,
reaching back, as it probably did, at least to the beginning of the 3rd
century B.C. Nevertheless it seems certain that Livy never realized the
duty of consulting these relics of the past, even in order to verify the
statements of his authorities. Many of them he never mentions; the
others (e.g. the _libri lintei_) he evidently describes at second hand.
Antiquarian studies were popular in his day, but the instances are very
few in which he has turned their results to account. There is no sign
that he had ever read Varro; and he never alludes to Verrius Flaccus.
The haziness and inaccuracy of his topography make it clear that he did
not attempt to familiarize himself with the actual scenes of events even
that took place in Italy. Not only does he confuse Thermon, the capital
of Aetolia, with Thermopylae (xxxiii. 35), but his accounts of the Roman
campaigns against Volsci, Aequi and Samnites swarm with confusions and
difficulties; nor are even his descriptions of Hannibal's movements free
from an occasional vagueness which betrays the absence of an exact
knowledge of localities.
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