Europe -- Politics and government -- 1815-1848; France -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain
In the meantime, a meeting had taken place, in September, at
Münchengrätz, between the Tsar of Russia, the Emperor of Austria
and the Crown Prince of Prussia. The object of this interview
had been officially ascribed solely to a desire upon the part of
Nicholas to become better acquainted with the Emperor Francis.[317]
This explanation, which was received with contemptuous derision by
Palmerston,[318] and which Bligh "could scarcely read with becoming
gravity," deceived nobody. In point of fact weighty political matters
were the subject of the deliberations of these potentates and their
confidential advisers. The formation of a league of the three Northern
Courts to resist the doctrine of non-intervention had, ever since
the Revolution of July, been the favourite scheme of Nicholas and
Metternich. Frederick William III., however, was doubtful of the
wisdom of openly resuscitating the Holy Alliance. He was strongly
impressed with the dangers of a policy, which must necessarily draw
a sharp dividing line between the absolute and the constitutional
Powers. For this reason neither the King of Prussia nor his chief
minister travelled to the little town on the Bohemian frontier to
assist at the deliberations. But, after the two Emperors had set out
on their return to their respective capitals, Nesselrode journeyed
to Berlin and succeeded in inducing the King of Prussia to become a
party to the convention to which Nicholas and Francis had given their
adherence. By this treaty, signed at Berlin, on October 15, 1833,
the right of every independent sovereign to call to his aid another
sovereign was proclaimed. Should one of the three Courts see fit to
render material assistance to any sovereign, and should such action
be opposed by another Power, the three Courts would consider any
interference of this kind in the light of an act of hostility directed
against them all.
In consequence of the objections of the King of Prussia, the plan of
transmitting this convention to the French government was abandoned.
But the principle, which it involved, formed the subject of separate
despatches, couched in more or less threatening language, which the
agents of the three Northern Courts in Paris duly communicated to
the Duc de Broglie. The Duke, however, declared emphatically that,
whatever her attitude might be as regards more distant States,
France would assuredly resist by force of arms any intervention in
Switzerland, Belgium or Piedmont. Moreover, he caused a circular to be
sent to all French representatives at foreign Courts clearly defining
the line of action which would be adopted in cases of intervention.
The boldness of his language came as a disagreeable surprise to
Metternich. The Northern Courts, when they made their communications
to the French government, had not intended to provoke a defiant
rejoinder of this kind.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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