Europe -- Politics and government -- 1815-1848; France -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain
The news that the _collective note_ had been delivered, and that it
had been accepted by the Porte in the desired spirit, afforded the
keenest satisfaction at Vienna and in London. Palmerston, agreeing
with Ponsonby, perceived that it had destroyed the Treaty of
Unkiar-Skelessi, and that the days of Russia's exclusive protectorship
over Turkey were at an end. One of the chief objects of his eastern
policy had thus been attained, and he could devote his whole attention
to the other--the curtailment of the power of Mehemet Ali. In Paris,
on the other hand, the situation created by the _collective note_
awoke serious misgivings. Since the battle of Nezib, French enthusiasm
for Mehemet Ali had increased alarmingly. "Men," wrote Véron,[502]
"defended the claims of the Pasha with the same fervour as, in 1828,
they had espoused the cause of Greek independence." Ministers, under
these circumstances, could only reflect ruefully that, now that France
was a party to the _collective note_, they must join with the Powers
in devising measures for depriving Mehemet Ali of the fruits of his
victories. Nor could they escape from the dilemma by disavowing
Admiral Roussin, seeing that he had only acted in strict accordance
with the policy which Soult himself had advocated, in the secret
hope of isolating Russia. But it was evident that the Cabinet of St.
Petersburg was reconciled to the necessity of allowing the eastern
question to be settled by the Powers, and it was to be apprehended
that both Russia and Austria would adopt the hostile attitude towards
Mehemet Ali which Palmerston had already assumed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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