Europe -- Politics and government -- 1815-1848; France -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain
As Guizot had correctly surmised, Palmerston experienced the
greatest difficulty in inducing his colleagues to adopt his views.
Both Holland and Clarendon strongly deprecated the conclusion of
any treaty to which France would not be a party, and Melbourne and
Lansdowne seemed disposed to agree with them. Palmerston, thereupon,
placed his resignation in the hands of the Prime Minister.[571]
In a long letter, on July 5, in which he recapitulated the whole
history of the Turco-Egyptian question, he explained the reasons
which made it impossible for him to remain at his post. Were Great
Britain to elude the engagements which she had contracted towards
the Sultan, because France was not prepared to co-operate with the
other signatory Powers, Russia would resume once more "her separate
and isolated position" towards Turkey. England, he contended, would
thus by her own deliberate act, re-establish that protectorship of
Russia over Turkey, which had for so long been a cause of apprehension
to other Powers. "The ultimate results of such a decision would be
the practical division of the Ottoman Empire into two separate and
independent States, whereof one would be a dependency of France and
the other a satellite of Russia." Never would he consent to be an
instrument for the execution of a policy which, he believed, must
entail disastrous consequences upon his country. Unless, therefore,
his colleagues were prepared to pursue the course which he advocated
he must retire, even though his resignation should lead to a break up
of the government.[572]
The most recent intelligence from the East had, moreover, supplied
Palmerston with an argument which had a great effect in overcoming the
resistance of his opponents in the Cabinet. A formidable insurrection
was reported to have broken out in Syria, where the tribes were in
open rebellion against Mehemet Ali. He could, therefore, contend that
the treaty, which he urged his colleagues to conclude with Russia,
Austria and Prussia, was a Liberal measure, inasmuch as it meant
the delivery of an oppressed people from a tyrannical ruler. This
last consideration, combined with the desire to avoid the crisis
which must result from the resignation of the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, induced the dissenting members of the Cabinet reluctantly
to assent to Palmerston's proposals.[573] Accordingly, on July 15,
"a convention for the pacification of the Levant" was signed by the
plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Russia, Austria and Prussia, on
the one side, and that of the Sublime Porte on the other. In view of
the expediency of speedily affording military succour to the Syrians,
it appears to have been agreed that Bülow should be considered as
empowered to act on behalf of his Court.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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