England, Canada and the Great WarDesjardins, L. G. (Louis Georges)
History
England, Canada and the Great War
Desjardins, L. G. (Louis Georges)
Great Britain -- Colonies -- Canada; Imperialism; World War, 1914-1918; World War, 1914-1918 -- Canada
Nations who, forgetful of the obligations of moral laws, indulge in
guilty abuse of their liberties, are, sooner or later, as individuals
doing alike, sure to meet with the due Providential punishment they have
deserved. But, also like individuals, they can redeem themselves in
repenting for their past errors, due to uncontrolled passions, and by
resolutely and "FREELY" returning to the path of their sacred duty.
The Nationalist leader also deplores, as one of their guilty
achievements, the fact that the "_war had ended all equivocals and
consummated the complete alliance of the two parties_," to favour, as he
asserts, of course, the enterprises of the dreaded Imperialism.
True to the kind appreciation he has pledged himself to make of the
inspiring dark motives actuating the conduct of public men, he sweetly
added:--
"_The truce arrived at in 1914 could not, it is true, resist the thirst
for power. "Blues" and "Reds" have recommenced tearing themselves about
patronage, places, planturous contracts and "boodle." But with regard to
the substantial question itself, and to the Imperialist revolution
brought on and sanctioned by the war, they have remained in accord._"
It could not strike such a prejudiced mind as that of the Nationalist
leader, that political chieftains, and their respective supporters,
could conscientiously unite to save their country, their Empire and the
world from an impending terrible disaster, and yet freely and
conscientiously differ as to the best means to achieve the sacred object
to the success of which they have pledged, and they continue to make,
their best and most patriotic efforts.
The public men, and even the private citizens, who, not believing that
he speaks and writes with Divine inspiration, dare to differ from the
Nationalist leader, cannot, in his opinion, do so unless influenced by
unworthy corrupt motives. And he further draws the awful conclusion
"_that it is his duty to note the ever increasing revolutionary
character that the European war, as a whole, is assuming on the side of
the Allies_."
To support this last and absolutely unfounded charge, he positively
asserts that the joint "_policy of the statesmen, politicians and
journalists, has much less for its object to liberate oppressed nations
like Belgium, Servia_, IRELAND, _Poland and Finland, from a foreign
yoke, than to overthrow in all the countries, allies or enemies, the
monarchical form of government_."
And then follows a most virulent diatribe by which he points, in
support of his wild conclusion aforesaid, to the Russian revolution,
charging "_the officious and reptile press of the Allied countries to
have joined in spreading the legend that it had been precipitated by
German intrigues at the Court of the Czar, and to have accused the
ill-fated Emperor to have been the spy and the accomplice of the enemies
of his country_."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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