England, Canada and the Great WarDesjardins, L. G. (Louis Georges)
History
England, Canada and the Great War
Desjardins, L. G. (Louis Georges)
Great Britain -- Colonies -- Canada; Imperialism; World War, 1914-1918; World War, 1914-1918 -- Canada
Political developments, like many others, obey natural laws which no
true statesman can ignore nor overlook. Because the limits of a
political organization are extended, does it necessarily follow that
only deplorable consequences can be expected from their enlargement?
Surely not. One might as well pretend that unity, cohesion, strength,
grandeur, are only productive of baneful results. Is it not a certainty
that they can be equally beneficial or harmful, according to the
intellectual and moral qualities of those who are called upon to apply
them to the best interests of those they govern.
German Imperialism, for instance, was not _per se_ a public misfortune.
It became such because instead of using its instrumentality for the
general good of the world as well as that of Germany, it was applied to
a barbarous and criminal purpose to satisfy unjust and senseless
aspirations.
In the same years, all the resources of British Imperialism,--so
abhorrent to Mr. Bourassa and his Nationalist adepts who view with such
meekness the Teutonic type--have been brought into play for the freedom
of the world and the protection of the small nationalities--notably
Belgium.
Bulgaria was a small State. Was it on this account less ambitious and
troublesome for its neighbours? Any one conversant with the recent
Balkan history knows that Bulgaria has from the start aspired to
dominate the Balkan States. When the Berlin Government struck the hour
which was to throw not only Europe, but three-fourths of the universe
into the worst horrors of war, has Bulgaria rallied to the defence of
her weak neighbour, Servia? Has she proved any sympathy for
treacherously crushed Belgium?
I emphatically declare that I would oppose Imperialism with all my
might, if I thought that it is by nature a necessary producer of
absolutism, of autocratic tyranny. But, the British precedent considered
through all its beneficial developments, I must recognize that true
Imperialism is not incompatible with the just and wise exercise of
political liberty, with respectful protection of the rights and
conditions of the divers national elements under its aegis.
I pray to remain to my last day a faithful friend of the political
liberties of the people. Knowing, as I do, how hard it is to apply them
to the government of nations--great or small--I am not bewildered by
vain illusions. But I cannot conceive--and never will--that the justice
of the real principles of Political Liberty is to be denied on account
of the difficulties of their satisfactory working, certainly obtainable
when applied in conformity with the dictates of moral laws owing all
their power to their Divine origin.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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