England under the Angevin Kings, Volume IINorgate, Kate
History
England under the Angevin Kings, Volume II
Norgate, Kate
Anjou, House of; England -- Civilization -- 1066-1485; Great Britain -- History -- Angevin period, 1154-1216
[677] _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 45. Jordan Fantosme,
vv. 268, 269 (Michel, p. 14) adds Carlisle and Westmoreland
to the young king’s offers, and relates at great length how
William hesitated before accepting them, how he sent envoys
to the elder king begging for a new cession of Northumberland
from him, and only upon Henry’s defiant refusal, and after long
debate with his own barons, entered upon the war. _Ib._ vv.
372–426 (pp. 14–22).
[678] “Willelmus archiepiscopus.” _Gesta Hen._ (as above),
p. 47. This can be no one else than William, formerly abbot
of Reading, appointed to Bordeaux in February 1173; Geoff.
Vigeois, l. i. c. 67 (Labbe, _Nova Biblioth._, vol. ii. p.
319); but I find no further account of his political doings.
[679] _Gesta Hen._ (as above), p. 51, note 4.
[680] _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 44, 45. Roger of
Howden, as has been said above (p. 139, note 1), adds the
honour of Eye to Matthew’s intended possessions.
The first hostile movement was made directly after Easter by a body of
Flemings who crossed the Seine at Pacy; but they had no sooner touched
Norman soil than they were driven back by the people of the town, and
were nearly all drowned in attempting to recross the river.[681] Henry
meanwhile, after spending Easter at Alençon,[682] had established
his head-quarters at Rouen, where he remained till the end of June,
apparently indifferent to the plots that were hatching around him,
and entirely absorbed in the pleasures of the chase.[683] In reality
however he was transacting a good deal of quiet business, filling
up vacant sees in England;[684] appointing a new chancellor, Ralf
of Varneville, to the office which had been in commission--that is,
virtually, in the hands of Geoffrey Ridel--ever since S. Thomas had
resigned it ten years before;[685] and writing to all his continental
allies to enlist their sympathies and if possible their support in
the coming struggle.[686] One of them at least, his future son-in-law
William of Sicily, returned an answer full of hearty sympathy;[687]
neither he nor his fellow-kings, however, had anything more substantial
to give. The only support upon which Henry could really depend was that
of a troop of twenty thousand Brabantine mercenaries, who served him
indeed bravely and loyally, but by no means for nothing;[688] and if
we may trust a writer who, although remote from the present scene of
action, seems to have had a more intimate acquaintance than most of
his fellow-historians with all matters connected with the Brabantines,
Henry’s finances were already so exhausted that he was obliged to give
the sword of state used at his coronation in pledge to these men as
security for the wages which he was unable to pay them.[689] Yet he
could trust no one else in Normandy; and as yet he scarcely knew his
own resources in England.
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