England under the Angevin Kings, Volume IINorgate, Kate
History
England under the Angevin Kings, Volume II
Norgate, Kate
Anjou, House of; England -- Civilization -- 1066-1485; Great Britain -- History -- Angevin period, 1154-1216
[320] Herb. Bosh. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.) pp. 468,
469. Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ibid._), p. 114. Garnier (Hippeau), p.
154. _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 469. The writer of
the _Gesta Hen._ (Stubbs, vol. i. p. 8) gives the date of this
meeting as Tuesday, October 12. But this must be quite ten days
too late, for we shall see that a letter drawn up after the
meeting was received in England on October 5.
[321] Ep. dclxxxiv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.), pp.
333–337.
[322] Henry alleged that he had publicly sworn never to give
Thomas the kiss of peace, and could not face the shame of
breaking his oath. Garnier (Hippeau), p. 150; Herb. Bosh.
(Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), p. 450; Ep. dcxxiii. (_ib._
vol. vii.) pp. 198, 199; _Thomas Saga_, as above, p. 449. See
in Herb. Bosh. (as above), p. 469, Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ibid._),
p. 115, and _Thomas Saga_ (as above), p. 469, the contrivance
by which he avoided it at Tours--or Amboise, in William’s
version.
[323] Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 156, 157. The letter, of which
Garnier gives a translation, is Ep. dcxc. (Robertson, _Becket_,
vol. vii.) pp. 346, 347; also in Will. Cant. (_ib._ vol. i.),
p. 85; Will. Fitz-Steph. (_ib._ vol. iii.), p. 112; Gerv. Cant.
(Stubbs), vol. i. p. 221; R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 339.
[324] Ep. dccxv. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. vii.), p. 389.
[325] Ep. dccxxxiii. (_ibid._), p. 402.
[326] Chaumont on the Loire, seemingly. Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol.
iii.), p. 470. Cf. _Thomas Saga_, as above, pp. 471–473.
[327] Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. iii.), pp.
115, 116.
The duty finally devolved solely upon the dean, who was no other than
Thomas’s old opponent John of Oxford.[328] Naturally enough, the
primate was deeply hurt at being thus sent back to his see under the
protection of a man who, as he truly said, ought to have been thankful
for the privilege of travelling in his suite.[329] Thomas, however,
was in haste to be gone, although fully persuaded that he was going to
his death. He seems indeed to have been weary of life; the tone of his
letters and of his parting words to the friends whom he was leaving
in France indicates not so much a morbid presentiment of his fate as
a passionate longing for it. Yet it can hardly have been from him
alone that the foreboding communicated itself to so many other minds.
Warnings came to him from all quarters; one voice after another, from
the king of France[330] down to the very pilot of the ship in which
he took his passage, implored him not to go; Herbert of Bosham alone
upheld his resolution to the end.[331]
[328] _Ib._ p. 116. Epp. dccxxii., dccxxiii. (_ib._ vol. vii.),
pp. 400, 403. Garnier (Hippeau), p. 160.
[329] Will. Fitz-Steph. as above.
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