Essays on the Constitution of the United States: Published during its Discussion by the People, 1787-1788
History
Essays on the Constitution of the United States: Published during its Discussion by the People, 1787-1788
Constitutional history -- United States -- Sources; United States. Constitution
To tell us that we ought to look beyond local interests, and judge for the
good of the empire, is sapping the foundation of a free state. The first
principle of a just government is, that it shall operate equally. The
report of the convention is extremely unequal. It takes a larger share of
power from some, and from others, a larger share of wealth. The
Massachusetts will be obliged to pay near three times their present
proportion towards continental charges. The proportion is now ascertained
by the quantity of landed property, then it will be by the number of
persons. After taking the whole of our standing revenue, by impost and
excise, we must still be held to pay a sixth part of the remaining debt.
It is evidently a contrivance to help the other states at our expense. Let
us then be upon our guard, and do no more than the present confederation
obliges. While we make that our beacon we are safe. It was framed by men
of extensive knowledge and enlarged ability, at a time when some of the
framers of the new plan were hiding in the forests to secure their
precious persons. It was framed by men who were always in favor of a
limited government, and whose endeavours Heaven has crowned with success.
It was framed by men whose idols were not power and high life, but
industry and constitutional liberty, and who are now in opposition to this
new scheme of oppression. Let us then cherish the old confederation like
the apple of our eye. Let us confirm it by such limited powers to
Congress, and such an enlarged intercourse, founded on commercial and
mutual want, with the other states, that our union shall outlast time
itself. It is easier to prevent an evil than to cure it. We ought
therefore to be cautious of innovations. The intrigues of interested
politicians will be used to seduce even the elect. If the vote passes in
favour of the plan, the constitutional liberty of our country is gone
forever. If the plan should be rejected, we always have it in our power,
by a fair vote of the people at large, to extend the authority of
Congress. This ought to have been the mode pursued. But our antagonists
were afraid to risk it. They knew that the plan would not bear examining.
Hence we have seen them insulting all who were in opposition to it, and
answering arguments only with abuse. They have threatened and they have
insulted the body of the people. But I may venture to appeal to any man of
unbiassed judgment, whether his feelings tell him, that there is any
danger at all in rejecting the plan. I ask not the palsied or the
jaundiced, nor men troubled with bilious or nervous affections, for they
can see danger in every thing. But I apply to men who have no personal
expectations from a change, and to men in full health. The answer of all
such men will be, that never was a better time for deliberation. Let us
then, while we have it in our power, secure the happiness and freedom of
the present and future ages. To accept of the report of the convention,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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