Essays on the Constitution of the United States: Published during its Discussion by the People, 1787-1788
History
Essays on the Constitution of the United States: Published during its Discussion by the People, 1787-1788
Constitutional history -- United States -- Sources; United States. Constitution
This word would open all the resources of the country and draw out a
brigade of militia rapidly as the most decisive orders of a despotic
government. Liberty is a word which, according as it is used, comprehends
the most good and the most evil of any in the world. Justly understood it
is sacred next to those which we appropriate in divine adoration; but in
the mouths of some it means anything, which enervate a necessary
government; excite a jealousy of the rulers who are our own choice, and
keep society in confusion for want of a power sufficiently concentered to
promote its good. It is not strange that the licentious should tell us a
government of energy is inconsistent with liberty, for being inconsistent
with their wishes and their vices, they would have us think it contrary to
human happiness. In the state this country was left by the war, with want
of experience in sovereignty, and the feelings which the people then had;
nothing but the scene we had passed thro’ could give a general conviction
that an internal government of strength is the only means of repressing
external violence, and preserving the national rights of the people
against the injustice of their own brethren. Even the common duties of
humanity will gradually go out of use, when the constitution and laws of a
country do not insure justice from the public and between individuals.
American experience, in our present deranged state, hath again proved
these great truths, which have been verified in every age since men were
made and became sufficiently numerous to form into public bodies. A
government capable of controlling the whole, and bringing its force to a
point, is one of the prerequisites for national liberty. We combine in
society, with an expectation to have our persons and properties defended
against unreasonable exactions either at home or abroad. If the public are
unable to protest against the unjust impositions of foreigners, in this
case we do not enjoy our natural rights, and a weakness of government is
the cause. If we mean to have our natural rights and properties protected,
we must first create a power which is able to do it, and in our case there
is no want of resources, but a civil constitution which may draw them out
and point their force.
The present question is, shall we have such a constitution or not? We
allow it to be a creation of power; but power when necessary for our good
is as much to be desired as the food we eat or the air we breathe. Some
men are mightily afraid of giving power lest it should be improved for
oppression; this is doubtless possible, but where is the probability? The
same objection may be made against the constitution of every state in the
union, and against every possible mode of government; because a power of
doing good always implies a power to do evil if the person or party be
disposed.
The right of the legislature to ordain laws binding on the people, gives
them a power to make bad laws.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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