Essays: Scientific, Political, & Speculative; Vol. 3 of 3: Library Edition (1891), Containing Seven Essays not before Republished, and Various other Additions.Spencer, Herbert
Philosophy
Essays: Scientific, Political, & Speculative; Vol. 3 of 3: Library Edition (1891), Containing Seven Essays not before Republished, and Various other Additions.
Spencer, Herbert
Philosophy; Political science; Science
Besides the fact that in the less-advanced stages of civilization, a
bloody penal code is both a natural product of the time and a needful
restraint for the time, there must be noted the fact that a more
equitable and humane code could not be carried out from want of fit
administration. To deal with delinquents not by short and sharp methods
but by such methods as abstract justice indicates, implies a class of
agencies too complicated to exist in a low society, {159} and a class
of officers more trustworthy than can be found among its citizens.
Especially would the equitable treatment of criminals be impracticable
where the amount of crime was very great. The number to be dealt with
would be unmanageable. Some simpler method of purging the community of
its worst members becomes, under such circumstances, a necessity.
The inapplicability of an absolutely just system of penal discipline to
a barbarous or semi-barbarous people, is thus, we think, as manifest
as is the inapplicability of an absolutely just form of government
to them. And in the same manner that, for some nations, a despotism
is warranted; so may a criminal code of the extremest severity be
warranted. In either case the defence is, that the institution is
as good as the average character of the people permits—that less
stringent institutions would entail social confusion and its far more
severe evils. Bad as a despotism is, yet where anarchy is the only
alternative, we must say that, as anarchy would bring greater suffering
than despotism brings, despotism is justified by the circumstances. And
similarly, however inequitable in the abstract were the beheadings,
crucifyings, and burnings of ruder ages, yet, if it be shown that,
without penalties thus extreme, the safety of society could not
have been insured—if, in their absence, the increase of crime would
have inflicted a larger total of evil, and that, too, on peaceable
members of the community; then it follows that morality warranted this
severity. In the one case, as in the other, we must say that, measured
by the quantities of pain respectively inflicted and avoided, the
course pursued was the _least wrong_; and to say that it was the least
wrong is to say that it was _relatively right_.
But while we thus admit all that can be alleged by the defenders
of Draconian codes, we go on to assert a correlative truth which
they overlook. While fully recognizing the evils that must follow
the premature establishment of a {160} penal system dictated by
pure equity, let us not overlook the evils that have arisen from
altogether rejecting the guidance of pure equity. Let us note how
terribly the one-sided regard for immediate expediency has retarded the
ameliorations from time to time demanded.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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