On July 4, 1918, when President Wilson received the representatives of
subject races at Mount Vernon, he made a solemn pledge in the name of
the American people to _all_ subject races. A Lithuanian stood with
the others before Washington’s tomb. Neither in that speech nor in any
other did Wilson say, “You understand, of course, that the victorious
Allies mean to free and restore only the subject races whose freedom
and restoration will be at the expense of our enemies and to their
confusion.” Had he said this, it would have been a manly confession--to
avoid false hopes and false pretenses--of what was afterward evident
at the Peace Conference, that the yearning for humanity was a sham and
the proclamation of the doctrine of self-determination a falsehood.
The moral issue was simply buncombe to make people feel good and to
arouse them against the Germans. Because races were conquered by the
Romanoffs, have they less right to freedom than if they were conquered
by the Hapsburgs and Hohenzollerns?
When we read carefully the Colby note, which was meant to justify
the refusal of the State Department to follow the example of our
associates in recognizing and dealing with and helping the Baltic Sea
republics, we challenge its logic as well as its misrepresentation of
the American idealism expressed by President Wilson during the war.
Poland and Finland were portions of “integral Russia”; so was Russian
Armenia; so was Bessarabia. Without consulting Russia, we recognized
the independence of Poland, Finland, and Armenia, and agreed to the
inclusion of Bessarabia in Rumania.
The State Department expert will respond that Poland and Finland had
a special status under the Treaty of Vienna. Why go back in regard
to Russia only to the Treaty of Vienna? In making the Treaties of
Versailles and St.-Germain we canceled the Treaty of Vienna. We ignored
this treaty and all other treaties in dealing with subject races of
Austria-Hungary and Germany. The attempt to justify partiality of
treatment between Poland and the Baltic Sea republics on the ground of
the Treaty of Vienna fails even if we did accept the Treaty of Vienna
as the law and the prophets. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania enjoyed
an individual status in the Russian Empire by virtue of arrangements
made before the Napoleonic period and not infringed upon until 1830.
The charter of Lithuania was not finally abrogated until 1848, and
the title of Grand Duke of Lithuania was assumed by the Russian Czar
on a parity with that of King of Poland and Grand Duke of Finland at
coronations. This acknowledgment of the separate identity of Lithuania
in the empire was never given up. The late Nicholas was crowned Grand
Duke of Lithuania.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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