Hungary lost most of her hydraulic power, forests, paper-mills,
cereals, potatoes, honey, silk-cocoons, coal, and everything else that
went to make up the economic life of this Danubian region centered at
Budapest. In the era of steam-power and world markets, Hungary, like
other states, had developed as a whole, each region fitting in a scheme
of things that made the different parts dependent upon one another.
Commerce and manufacturers were concentrated at Budapest, which was
equipped with transportation, warehouses, and banks to handle the
business of the entire country. Fiume had been the common port for all
the Hungarian provinces. Now in her shorn state, cut off from access
to the sea, and with the former subject regions raising tariff-walls
against her, what was left of Hungary, and especially the city of
Budapest, seemed to be condemned to ruin.
But when one visits Hungary three years after the signing of the Treaty
of Trianon and asks for an honest answer to the question, “Is the
present Hungary a hopeless proposition, a state that cannot live?” one
does not get a categorical affirmative. Nor have any leaders whom I
interviewed declared that the payment of reparations was impossible,
provided a definite and reasonable sum was finally agreed upon. When I
probe, and try to get at the bottom of the grievances, I discover that
my Hungarian friends are invariably comparing the present situation,
and its calamities, with what Hungary used to be.
Like the Turks, the Hungarians won and maintained by superior force
a privileged position in a vast country which they shared with other
peoples. They were a dominant race, who tried to impose their language
and culture on others. When they fought the Germans to retain their
independence and arrived at the compromise of the Dual Monarchy, it did
not occur to them that self-government was a privilege as precious and
as advantageous to other peoples as to themselves. And, now that they
have lost their dominant position in the same way in which they gained
it, that is, by war, it is hard for them to reconcile themselves to a
more humble station in life. They accepted the treaty, for they did not
intend to commit national suicide. But after the power to impose their
rule upon others has gone, they retain the curious feeling that they
still ought to be considered as possessing the inalienable right to all
the regions they once ruled!
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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