Fascismo, which did not fear in the first instance to call itself
reactionary when many Liberals of to-day lay prone before the
triumphant beast, has no hesitation whatsoever now in declaring
itself un-Liberal and anti-Liberal. Let it be known, once and for
all, that Fascismo recognizes neither idols nor fetishes. It has
passed once, and, if necessary will tranquilly return, across the
more or less decomposed body of the Goddess of Liberty.
Signor Giolitti, just before the advent of Mussolini, told the King
that a party led by hesitating men, dominated by fear, could no longer
hope to wield power in Italy. Signor Mussolini is certainly not
dominated by fear. His minority party is supported by a majority of
the people. But has not the Fascist program been hailed exuberantly at
home and abroad because it is a new broom sweeping clean? The success
of the Fascist reforms is not yet certain, and neither in speeches nor
in action has the Mussolini Government revealed the clear outlines of
a definite and constructive internal and foreign policy. What does
Mussolini propose to put in place of Liberal ideology?
While not so much interested in foreign affairs as the Nationalists,
and at times, in their clashes with the Blue-Shirts and the Fiume
Legionaries, seemingly asserting the all-absorbing interest of Italy in
internal reforms, the Fascisti have none the less made foreign policy a
cardinal part of their program. They have not been avowed imperialists.
They are insisting upon Italy’s equal place and dignity with other
nations. The nature of the policies of premiers from Orlando to Facta
has been a secondary consideration. What has incensed the Fascisti
is the tendency of Great Britain and France to look upon Italy as a
little brother, useful at times to help them, but not worth helping.
Mussolini’s first entrance into international politics at Lausanne
marked the change Fascismo determined to give to Italy’s foreign
relations. Mussolini made Curzon and Poincaré come to him at Territet.
Why should they assume that the Italian would naturally come to them?
Here public opinion in all Italian circles supports Mussolini. To the
Italians it seems preposterous that either France or Great Britain
should aspire to dominate the Mediterranean. Great Britain is in the
Mediterranean only by right of conquest, while France has a wide
Atlantic outlet. Both Great Britain and France have colonies all over
the world. Italy, on the other hand, is a Mediterranean state, the only
Mediterranean state among the great powers. When compared with those of
her allies, her colonial possessions amount to nothing. Invoking the
historic after the geographical, economic, and strategic arguments,
Italy has a better claim to be the predominant power in the Near East
than France or Great Britain.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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