On the second day of the conference Poincaré tried in vain to get the
British to agree to use the French plan instead of theirs as the basis
of discussion, and to admit as an accepted principle, which it was
not necessary to discuss, the French contention that any moratorium
should be accompanied by the seizure of productive guarantees. Bonar
Law retorted that granting these two demands would be equivalent to
accepting the French program. In the debate that followed, only two
facts emerged clearly: that Great Britain did not believe that the
Ruhr occupation would force immense sums of money out of Germany,
while France did; and that France had made up her mind to go ahead and
take measures against Germany, not only without Great Britain’s aid,
but despite Great Britain’s advice. The British premier bowed to the
inevitable. He had failed to dissuade Poincaré; Poincaré had failed to
persuade him. So they agreed to disagree.
The net result of three years of continuation conferences is well
summed up in the comment of a mysterious anonymous writer in the Paris
“Figaro,” who wrote on March 31, 1923:
Since the Treaty of Versailles, where is the Entente? Where was the
Entente in the ten conferences which ten times had diminished our
proper share, and in the shabby dealings which the British have
repeatedly resorted to against us? Where is the Entente when the
British confiscate our gold, when they keep Mr. Bradsbury [_sic_]
on the Reparations Commission to check our demands, when they
establish Lord d’Abernon at Berlin to strengthen the resistance of
the Germans?
CHAPTER XXVII
THE UNSHEATHED SWORD OF FRANCE
The American attitude toward post-bellum problems is summed up in the
four words cut into the tomb of General Grant. We prefer Grant’s “Let
us have peace” to Foch’s “The war is not ended.” The British are even
more eager than we to settle European affairs in such a way as to
leave no open sores, no burden of long-term military responsibilities
on the Continent. Four hundred million people have to live side by
side, and, whatever the virtues and sins, certain European nations
cannot indefinitely lord it over others, say the British. Those who
have been wronged ought to be compensated, those who have been good
ought to be rewarded, and those who have been bad ought to be punished;
but practical common sense suggests limits to compensations, rewards,
and punishments. After the Treaty of Versailles, Germany still has a
population one and a half times that of France, and outcast Russia
is the largest country of Europe in area, natural resources, and
population.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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