In 1888 a Government avowedly reactionary passed a
Local Government Bill which effected a distinct advance towards the
democratic municipality.[83] It was furthermore a Bill with no single
aspect of finality anywhere about it. Local Self-Government remains
prominent within the sphere of practical politics. When it is achieved,
the democratic State will have the machinery for Socialism.
And now, how is the raw material of Socialism--otherwise the
Proletarian man--to be brought to the Democratic State machinery? Here
again the path is easily found. Politicians who have no suspicion
that they are Socialists, are advocating further instalments of
Socialism with a recklessness of indirect results which scandalizes the
conscious Social Democrat. The phenomenon of economic rent has assumed
prodigious proportions in our great cities. The injustice of its
private appropriation is glaring, flagrant, almost ridiculous. In the
long suburban roads about London, where rows of exactly similar houses
stretch for miles countrywards, the rent changes at every few thousand
yards by exactly the amount saved or incurred annually in travelling
to and from the householder’s place of business. The seeker after
lodgings, hesitating between Bloomsbury and Tottenham, finds every
advantage of situation skimmed off by the landlord with scientific
precision. As lease after lease falls in, houses, shops, goodwills of
businesses which are the fruits of the labor of lifetimes, fall into
the maw of the ground landlord. Confiscation of capital, spoliation
of households, annihilation of incentive, everything that the most
ignorant and credulous fundholder ever charged against the Socialist,
rages openly in London, which begins to ask itself whether it exists
and toils only for the typical duke and his celebrated jockey and his
famous racehorse. Lord Hobhouse and his unimpeachably respectable
committee for the taxation of ground values are already in the field
claiming the value of the site of London for London collectively; and
their agitation receives additional momentum from every lease that
falls in. Their case is unassailable; and the evil they attack is one
that presses on the ratepaying and leaseholding classes as well as upon
humbler sufferers. This economic pressure is reinforced formidably by
political opinion in the workmen’s associations. Here the moderate
members are content to demand a progressive Income Tax, which is
virtually Lord Hobhouse’s proposal; and the extremists are all for Land
Nationalisation, which is again Lord Hobhouse’s principle. The cry for
such taxation cannot permanently be resisted. And it is very worthy
of remark that there is a new note in the cry. Formerly taxes were
proposed with a specific object--as to pay for a war, for education,
or the like. Now the proposal is to tax the landlords in order to get
some of _our_ money back from them--take it from them first and find
a use for it afterwards. Ever since Mr. Henry George’s book reached
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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