When the syllabus of this course of lectures was drawn up, those who
were responsible for it suggested as the first subheading of this
paper, the well worn phrase, “The disappearance of the Whig.” It is a
happy expression, and one from the contemplation of which much comfort
may be derived by an optimistic and unanalytical temperament. Printed
are at this disadvantage compared with spoken words, they fail to
convey the nicer _nuances_ of meaning bestowed by tone and emphasis;
and thus the word “disappearance” meets the eye, carrying with it no
slightest suggestion of irony. Yet the phrase is pointless, if not
“meant surcarstic”; for so far is the Whig from “disappearing,” that
he is the greatest political fact of the day. To persons deafened
by the daily democratic shouting of the Radical newspapers this
assertion may require some confirmation and support. Let us look at
the facts then. The first thing which strikes us in connexion with
the present Parliament is that it no longer consists of two distinct
parties, _i.e._, of two bodies of men differentiated from each other
by the holding of _fundamentally_ different principles. Home Rule
left out,[97] there remains no reason whatever, except the quite
minor question of Disestablishment, why even the simulacrum of party
organisation should be maintained, or why the structural arrangements
of the House of Commons should not be so altered as to resemble those
of a town hall, in which all the seats face the chair.
But fifty years ago the floor of the House was a frontier of genuine
significance; and the titles “Whig” and “Tory” were word-symbols of
real inward and spiritual facts. The Tory party was mostly made up of
men who were conscientiously opposed to popular representation, and
prepared to stand or fall by their opposition. They held, as a living
political creed, that the government of men was the eternal heritage of
the rich, and especially of those whose riches spelt rent. The Whigs,
on the other hand, believed, or said they believed, in the aphorism
“_Vox populi, vox Dei_”; and they, on the whole, consistently advocated
measures designed to give that voice a distincter and louder utterance.
Here, then, was one of those fundamental differences in the absence of
which party nomenclature is a sham. But there was another. In the first
half of this century the Tories, hidebound in historic traditions and
deaf to the knell of the old _régime_ tolling in the thud, thud, of the
piston rods of the new steam engines, clung pathetically to the old
idea of the functions of the State and to territorial rights. The Whigs
went for _laisser faire_ and the consequent supremacy of the business
man. I am making a perfectly provable proposition when I say that all
the political disputes[98] which arose between the Revolution of 1688
and the enfranchisement of the £10 householder by Disraeli had their
common cause in one of these two root differences. But the battle has
long ago been lost and won.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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