The economic organization was of a similar character. Two-thirds of
the population tilled the soil, and dwelt in lonely hamlets scattered
about the still sparsely inhabited country. Though possessing the
remnants of ancient communal rights, they were practically dependent on
the farmers of the parish, who fixed their wages by a constant tacit
conspiracy.[17] The farmers themselves were the obedient serfs of the
large proprietors, to whom they paid a customary rent. Though nominally
free to move, both farmers and laborers were practically fettered to
the manor by their ignorance and their poverty;[18] and though the lord
had lost the criminal jurisdiction of his manorial courts, his powers
as Justice of the Peace formed a full equivalent. His unrestrained
ownership of the land enabled him to take for himself as rent the
whole advantage of all but the very worst of the soils in use; and
the lingering manorial rights gave him toll even from that worst.
Throughout the countryside his word was law and his power irresistible.
It was a world whose nexus was might, economic and political, tempered
only by custom and lack of stimulus to change. The poor were not
necessarily worse off in material matters than they are now; the
agricultural laborer, indeed, was apparently better off in 1750 than
at any other time between 1450 and 1850.[19] But it was a world still
mainly mediæval in political, in economic, and in social relations;
a world of status and of permanent social inequalities not differing
essentially from the feudalism of the past.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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