Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth CenturiesRound, John Horace
History
Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
Round, John Horace
Domesday book; Feudalism -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- History -- Norman period, 1066-1154; Normans -- Great Britain
It is particularly instructive to follow out the Northamptonshire
fief of William Engaine. In Domesday (i. 229) he is entered only as
'Willelmus' holding 3-1/2 hides in Pytchley (_Piteslea_), and Laxton
(_Lastone_), worth at that time, £3 10s. 'Vitalis' Engaine was his
heir in 1130, for the Pipe-Roll of 31 Hen. I (p. 82) records
his discharge of a debt to the crown 'ut rehabeat terram suam de
Laxetona'. And this is confirmed by the survey of 1125 in the _Liber
Niger_ of Peterborough, where we read under 'Pihtesle' (p. 162): 'Et
Vitalis reddit iii. solidos pro i. virga', this being the 'i. virga'
assigned to him in the list of Peterborough knights (_ibid._, p. 169).
The 'Rotulus de Dominabus' (1185) shows us the 'Piteslea' estate in
the hands of Margaret Engaine, makes it worth £6, and mentions that
her heir was Richard Engaine (p. 14). The 'Testa de Nevill' (p. 37)
enters Richard 'de Angayne' as holding five carucates of land in
'Pettesle' and 'Laxeton' worth £6 a year. It tells us, further,
that he held them by serjeanty--'et est venator leporum, et facit
servitium'. From the nature of this return I assign it to the inquest
of 1198, in which case it is of some value, as identifying five
carucates under the new assessment with the 3-1/2 hides recorded in
Domesday.[17] Fulc de Lisures, on the other hand--the heir of the
Richard Engaine of Domesday--returned himself in 1166, as the King's
forester in fee and attending the King's person, with his horn hanging
from his neck.[18]
The association of Pytchley with hunting is carried back even further
still. For Richard and William Engaine had for their predecessor in
title, Ælfwine the huntsman ('venator'), who owned their lands when
King Edward sat upon the throne.
Among the lands deducted we observe in Spelho Hundred 'fif and xx.
hida byrigland'. This represents the assessment in hides of the
Borough of Northampton, and, so far as I know, is the only mention of
that assessment to be found. In my paper on 'Danegeld and the Finance
of Domesday', I pointed out that Bridport and Malmesbury were assessed
at five hides each, Dorchester, Wareham, and Hertford at ten hides,
Worcester at fifteen, Bath and Shaftesbury at twenty, etc.[19]
Northampton (we now see) was assessed in the same manner, and Chester
and Huntingdon at no less than fifty hides each. Thus they admirably
illustrate assessment in terms of the five-hide unit. We find this
primitive system obsolete in 1130, when a borough gave an 'auxilium'
where its county paid Danegeld. But our roll implies that, here at
least, it was already obsolete in the early days of the Conquest; for
the twenty-five hides of 'byrigland' are, for the payment of 'geld',
deducted from the Hundred.
From the date I have assigned to this document (_ante_-1075), it
may fairly claim to represent our earliest financial record. Its
illustrative value for Danegeld and the Hundred, and consequently for
Domesday Book, will be obvious to every student.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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