Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth CenturiesRound, John Horace
History
Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
Round, John Horace
Domesday book; Feudalism -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- History -- Norman period, 1066-1154; Normans -- Great Britain
If to escape from this conclusion the suggestion be made that
these _servitia debita_ were compositions effected by English
_antecessores_, it need only be answered that the fiefs acquired were
wholly new creations, constructed from the scattered fragments of
Anglo-Saxon estates. And though in the case of the church fiefs this
objection might not apply, yet we have evidence, as I shall show, to
prove that their _servitia_ also were determined by the conqueror's
will, as indeed might be inferred from their close correspondence with
those of the lay barons.
But if the lands of the conquered realm were so granted to be held by
a _servitium debitum_ of knights, the key of the position is won, and
the defenders of the existing view must retire along the whole line;
for, as Mr Freeman himself observed, 'Let it be once established that
land is held as a fief from the crown on condition of yielding certain
services to the crown, and the whole of the feudal incidents follow
naturally.'[105]
I am anxious to make absolutely clear the point that between the
accepted view and the view which I advance, no compromise is possible.
The two are radically opposed. As against the theory that the military
obligation of the Anglo-Norman tenant-in-chief was determined by the
assessment of his holding, whether in hidage or in value, I maintain
that the extent of that obligation was not determined by his
holding, but was fixed in relation to, and expressed in terms of, the
_constabularia_ of ten knights, the unit of the feudal host. And I,
consequently, hold that his military service was in no way derived or
developed from that of the Anglo-Saxons, but was arbitrarily fixed by
the king, from whom he received his fief, irrespectively both of
its size and of all pre-existent arrangements. Such propositions, of
course, utterly and directly traverse the view which these passages
best summarize:
The belief that William I divided the English landed property
into military fees is erroneous.... According to the extent
and the nature of the productive property it could be
computed how many shields were to be furnished by each
estate, according to the gradually fixed proportion of a £20
ground-rent.[106]
There is no ground for thinking that William directly or
systematically introduced any new kind of tenure into the
holding of English lands. There is nothing to suggest any such
belief, either in the chronicles of his reign, in the Survey,
which is his greatest monument, in the genuine or even in the
spurious remains of his legislation.... As I have had to point
out over and over again, the grantee of William, whether the
old owner or a new one, held his land as it had been held in
the days of King Edward.[107]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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