Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth CenturiesRound, John Horace
History
Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
Round, John Horace
Domesday book; Feudalism -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- History -- Norman period, 1066-1154; Normans -- Great Britain
Welsh campaign of that year, not to the foreign trouble of the year
before.[143]
The next levy was 'the scutage of Toulouse' in 1159. This, 'the great
scutage' of Miss Norgate,[144] is, strange as it may seem, on the
Pipe-Roll itself almost uniformly styled not a scutage, but a _donum_.
The explanation given by Swereford is wholly inadequate, and is this:
'Intitulaturque illud scutagium _De Dono_ ea quidem, ut credo, ratione
quod non solum prelati qui tenentur ad servitia militaria sed etiam
alii abbates, de Bello et de Salopesbiria et alii tunc temporis
dederunt auxilium'.[145]
Miss Norgate, adopting this explanation, writes:
The reason doubtless is that they were assessed, as the
historians tell us, and as the roll itself shows, not only
upon those estates from which services of the shield were
explicitly due, but also upon all lands held in chief of the
crown, and all church lands without distinction of tenure; the
basis of assessment in all cases being the knight's fee, in
its secondary sense of a parcel of land worth twenty pounds a
year. Whatever the laity might think of this arrangement,
the indignation of the clergy was bitter and deep. The wrong
inflicted on them by the scutage of 1156 was as nothing
compared with this, which set at nought all ancient precedents
of ecclesiastical immunity, and actually wrung from the church
lands even more than from the lay fiefs.[146]
I am obliged to quote the passage _in extenso_, because, in this case,
the accomplished writer betrays a singular confusion of ideas, and
misrepresents not only the levy, but also the point at issue. The
whole passage is conceived in error, error the more strange because
Miss Norgate enjoyed over her predecessors the advantage of writing
with the printed roll before her. The lay estates were not, as implied
('all lands held in chief of the crown'), in any way exceptionally
assessed: in no case was the basis of assessment the unit alleged by
the writer; and as to the 'church lands', a reference to the roll will
show that all over England there were only eight cases in which those
not owing 'services of the shield' contributed (and that in no way as
an assessment on imaginary knights' fees) to this levy, while in six
out of the eight their contributions were so insignificant that their
collective amount barely exceeded £50.[147]
The true explanation is probably to be found in the fact that only a
portion of the tax was raised by way of scutage. As this great levy
has been wrongly supposed to have consisted of a scutage alone,[148]
and as it played an important part in the development of direct
taxation, I propose to set forth, for the first time, the various
methods by which the money was raised. These were eight in number:
I. (FIXED) A _donum_ of two marcs on the fee from the
under-tenants of the church, raised _by fiefs_ on the old
assessment (_servitium debitum_).
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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