Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth CenturiesRound, John Horace
History
Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
Round, John Horace
Domesday book; Feudalism -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- History -- Norman period, 1066-1154; Normans -- Great Britain
Before taking leave of 'the great scutage', another point demands
notice. Gervase of Canterbury sets forth its proceeds in terms of
great precision:
_Hoc anno_ rex Henricus scotagium sive scutagium _de Anglia_
accepit, cujus summa fuit centum millia et quater viginti
millia librarum argenti (i. 167).
Quite desperate attempts have been made to reconcile this statement
with the actual sums raised. In his preface to the _Gesta Henrici
Regis_, Dr Stubbs suggests that Gervase included in his total the
scutage of two years later (1161), but adds that, if so, the rolls are
very incomplete. In his _Constitutional History_ he speaks of 'this
[scutage] and a very large accumulation of treasure from other
sources, amounting, according to the contemporary writers, to
£180,000' (i. 457), but admits, in a footnote, that 'the sum is
impossible', and throws out as probable a different explanation. Miss
Norgate writes that 'the proceeds, with those of a similar tax levied
upon Henry's other dominions, amounted to some £180,000'.[156] But
Gervase distinctly states that this sum was raised _from England_. Now
the actual sum raised, _by scutage_, in England (1159) was £2,440 in
all, as I reckon it, while the special clerical impost produced some
£3,130 in addition. Consequently, no ingenuity can save the credit of
Gervase. He was not, after all, worse than his fellows. We shall find
that when mediæval chroniclers endeavour to foist on us these absurd
sums they require much bolder handling than they have ever yet
received.
Pass we now to the _third_ levy, that of 1161. For this the rate was
again _two marcs_ on the fee according to Swereford (followed, of
course, by subsequent writers), though the study of the roll (7 Henry
II) reveals that in many cases, on the lay fiefs at least, the rate
was _one_ marc. Both this and the levy of the following year are most
difficult to deal with in every way. We have seen that an entry on the
roll of 1163 led Swereford to believe that the levy of 1161 was made
for the Toulouse campaign, and Dr Stubbs has made the suggestion that
it might have been raised to defray 'debts' incurred on that
occasion;[157] but the difficulties in the way of accepting this view
seem insuperable.[158]
The _fourth_ levy, which is that of 1162 (8 Henry II), was at the
rate of _one_ marc, and is recorded by Swereford, but not by Dr
Stubbs.[159] Though richer in names than that of 1161, it is even
less useful for our purpose, as the sums entered are most irregular,
perhaps owing to the adoption of a new method of collection.[160]
Neither of these levies affords, in the absence of corroboration,
trustworthy evidence on the _servitium_ of any lay fief.
The _fifth_ levy, on the other hand, in 1165 (11 Henry II), affords
most valuable evidence, although it is ignored by Swereford and by
those who have followed him. It is, however, of a singular character.
The money was raised, we gather from the roll, on two different
systems:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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