Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth CenturiesRound, John Horace
History
Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
Round, John Horace
Domesday book; Feudalism -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- History -- Norman period, 1066-1154; Normans -- Great Britain
It is important to observe the clear distinction between Richard, son
of Scrob, of Richard's castle, and Osbern Pentecost, of Pentecost's
castle, of whom the former was allowed to remain, while the latter was
exiled. But it is another peculiarity of Mr Freeman's work that he
was apt to confuse different individuals bearing the same name.[16]
In this instance, he boldly assumed that 'Pentecost, as we gather
from Florence [?] ... is the same as Osbern, the son of Richard of
Richard's castle, of whom we have already heard so much' (ii. 329),
although the latter, a well-known man, is always distinguished as a
son of his father, and never as Pentecost. And he further assumes that
'Pentecost's castle' was identical with Richard's castle, 'the first
cause of so much evil' (_ibid._). These identifications led him into
further difficulty, because Osbern, the son of Richard, is found
afterwards holding 'both lands and offices in Herefordshire' (ii.
345). To account for this, he further assumes as 'certain that Osbern
afterwards returned' (_ibid._). This assumption led him on to suggest
that others also returned from exile, and that 'their restoration was
owing to special entreaties of the King after the death of Godwine'
(ii. 346). The whole of this history is sheer assumption, based on
confusion alone.
Now let us clear our minds of this confusion, and keep the two
castellans and their respective castles apart. On the one hand,
we have Richard, the son of Scrob, who was left undisturbed at his
castle, and was succeeded there by his son Osbern;[17] on the other
hand, we have Osbern, 'whose surname was Pentecost', and who had to
surrender his castle, to which the guilty Normans had fled, and to go
into exile. Can we identify that castle? I would venture to suggest
that it was no other than that of Ewyas Harold in the south-west
corner of Herefordshire, of which Domesday tells us that Earl William
had _re_-fortified it ('hoc castellum refirmaverat'), implying that it
had existed, and been dismantled before the Conquest. It heads, in the
great survey, the possessions of Alfred of Marlborough, and although
its holder T.R.E. is not mentioned, we read of the two Manors which
follow it: 'Hæc duo maneria tenuit Osbernus avunculus Alveredi T.R.E.
quando Goduinus et Heraldus erant exulati' (i. 186). Mr Freeman, of
course, assumed that this Osbern was identical with Osbern, the son
of Richard, the Domesday tenant-in-chief. This assumption is not only
baseless, but also most improbable: for Alfred was old enough to be
father-in-law to Thurstan (Mortimer), a Domesday tenant, and would
scarcely therefore be young enough to be nephew to another Domesday
tenant-in-chief. I would suggest that his uncle was that Osbern
'Pentecost' who had to surrender his castle and flee on the return
of Godwine and Harold. This would exactly fit in with the Domesday
statement, as also with the dismantling of Ewyas Castle.[18]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries — John Shaqi
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