[111] G. M. a boy of about fourteen years of age; he was confined along with twenty men and four boys. He was employed by one of them to pick pockets, and steal from the other prisoners. Caught a fever in jail, which was communicated to his father, mother, and three brothers, one of whom died. From being a sober, orderly boy, he was changed into a confirmed thief, and stole his mother’s Bible and his brother’s clothes.--_Buxton’s Inquiry._--FLINT. {179} LETTER XV Outline of the American Constitution--From the frequency of Revolutions in Europe, the instability of the American Republic is not to be inferred. _Jeffersonville, (Indiana,) Feb. 27, 1820._ The constitution of the United States is not that ephemeral erection, which the enemies of free government would represent it to be. Its fundamental principles may be partially traced through the modern theoretical maxims, and the ancient usages of England. This consideration, however, does not derogate from the wisdom of the founders of the Republic, who have so successfully availed themselves of the experience of other countries and other ages, in organizing the system; and maturing it by the most unremitting diligence through peace and war. A review of the progress of American politics, and of the reasonings which guided the patriotic legislators, would be a work of much interest. It would lay before us a large portion of the best abilities, and the most tried virtue of the country, engaged in inquiries conducive to the general interests of the nation. It would disclose at every important crisis a venerable assembly, which neither announced their proceedings as the greatest efforts of human ingenuity, nor assumed the lofty tone of an “omnipotent” legislature, but recurred to the will of their constituents for ratification, and, keeping a view to the future as well as to the present circumstances, provided the {180} means of revising and amending their decisions. It was in consequence of this philosophical mode of proceeding, that the present admirable fabric was gradually erected. It was thus that the declaration of independence of 1776, a temperate, but energetic manifesto, intimating the determination of the colonies to throw off the foreign yoke, was succeeded by the articles of confederation in 1778. This compact, although efficient in time of public danger, was, during the succeeding peace, found to be defective in not admitting the dignity and promptitude necessary to the general government, and not furnishing a sufficient guarantee for the permanence of the Union. Under the articles of confederation, each State retained the right of voting its own supplies for the common benefit, and to lay taxes on such articles as were found most convenient; also, to impose such imposts and duties on foreign trade as they thought proper. The amount of supplies furnished by each State was apportioned to the value of the lands,--a criterion that could never be applied with accuracy.