Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
History
Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
African Americans; United States -- Race relations
Some of the disturbances grow out of a characteristic of a certain sort of
Negro, the expression of which seems to stir the deepest animosity in the
city white boy. And that is the bumptiousness, the airiness, of the
half-ignorant young Negro, who, feeling that he has rights, wants to be
occupied constantly in using them. He mistakes liberty for licence.
Although few in numbers among thousands of quiet coloured people, he makes
a large showing. In the South they call him the "smart Negro," and an
almost irresistible instinct exists among white boys of a certain class to
take him down. I remember walking in Indianapolis with an educated
Northern white man. We met a young Negro immaculately dressed; his
hat-band was blue and white; his shoes were patent leather with white
tops; he wore a flowered waistcoat, and his tread as he walked was
something to see.
"Do you know," said my companion, "I never see that young fellow without
wanting to step up and knock his head off. I know something about him. He
is absolutely worthless: he does no work, but lives on the wages of a
hard-working coloured woman and spends all he can get on his clothes. I
know the instinct is childish, but I am just telling you how I feel. I'm
not sure it is racial prejudice; I presume I should feel much the same way
toward a Frenchman if he did the same thing. And somehow I can't help
believing that a good thrashing would improve that boy's character."
I'm telling this incident just as it happened, to throw a side-light on
one of the manifestations of the growing prejudice. One more illustration:
Miss Eaton conducts a social settlement for Negroes in Boston. One day a
teacher said to one of the little Negro boys in her class:
"Please pick up my handkerchief."
The boy did not stir; she again requested him to pick up the handkerchief;
then she asked him why he refused.
"The days of slavery are over," he said.
Now, this spirit is not common, but it exists, and it injures the Negro
people out of all proportion to its real seriousness.
In certain towns in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, on the borders of the old
South, the feeling has reached a stage still more acute. At Springfield,
O., two race riots have occurred, in the first of which a Negro was
lynched and in the second many Negroes were driven out of town and a row
of coloured tenements was burned. There are counties and towns where no
Negro is permitted to stop over night. At Syracuse, O., Lawrenceburg,
Ellwood, and Salem, Ind., for example, Negroes have not been permitted to
live for years. If a Negro appears he is warned of conditions, and if he
does not leave immediately, he is visited by a crowd of boys and men and
forced to leave. A farmer who lives within a few miles of Indianapolis
told me of a meeting, held only a short time ago by thirty-five farmers in
his neighbourhood, in which an agreement was passed to hire no Negroes,
nor to permit Negroes to live anywhere in the region.
_Story of a Northern Race Riot_
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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