Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
History
Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
African Americans; United States -- Race relations
One day last April a Negro labourer who had been working for Mrs. Sefton,
a highly respected widow who lived alone, appeared in the house in broad
daylight and criminally assaulted her. His name was John Green, a Kentucky
Negro; he was not only ignorant, but half-witted; he had already committed
a burglary and had not been punished. He was easily caught, convicted, and
sentenced. But the town was angry. On April 30th a crowd of men and boys
gathered, beat two or three Negroes, and drove many out of town. They
never thought of mobbing the city officials who had allowed the Negro
dives to exist. And, as in Atlanta, the decent Negroes suffered with the
criminals: a crowd broke windows in the home of George Edwards, and
threatened other respectable coloured men. As in Atlanta, the better white
people were horrified and scandalised; but, as in Atlanta, the white men
who made up the mob went unpunished (though Atlanta did mildly discipline
a few rioters). As in Atlanta, the newspaper reports that were sent out
made no distinction between the different sorts of Negroes. The entire
Negro population of Greensburg was blamed for the crime of a single
ignorant and neglected man. I have several different newspaper reports of
the affair from outside papers, and nearly all indicate in the headlines
that all the Negroes in Greensburg were concerned in the riot and were
driven out of town, which was not, of course, true. As a matter of fact
the respectable Negroes are still living in Greensburg on friendly terms
with the white people.
_Human Nature North and South_
In fact, the more I see of conditions North and South, the more I see that
human nature north of Mason and Dixon's line is not different from human
nature south of the line.
Different degrees of prejudice, it is true, are apparent in the two
sections. In the South the social and political prejudice the natural
result of the memories of slavery and reconstruction, of the greater mass
of Negro population and of the backward economic development, is stronger.
In the North, on the other hand, comparatively little social and political
prejudice is apparent; but the Negro has a hard fight to get anything but
the most subservient place in the economic machine.
Over and over again, while I was in the South, I heard remarks like this:
"Down here we make the Negro keep his place socially, but in the North you
won't let him work."
This leads me to one of the most important phases of race-relationship in
the North--that is, the economic struggle of the Negro, suddenly thrown,
as he has been, into the swift-moving, competitive conditions of Northern
cities. Does he, or can he, survive? Do the masses of Negroes now coming
North realise their ambitions? Is it true that the North will not let the
Negro work?
These questions must, perforce, be discussed in another chapter.
CHAPTER VII
THE NEGROES' STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL IN NORTHERN CITIES
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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