Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
History
Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
African Americans; United States -- Race relations
After the war the North, in one form or another, poured much money into
the South for teaching the Negroes; lesser sums, like those coming from
the Peabody fund, were contributed toward white schools. But in the long
run there can be no real education which is not self-education; outside
influences may help (or indeed hurt), but until a state--like a man--is
inspired with a desire for education and a willingness to make sacrifices
to get it, the people will not become enlightened.
In the middle eighties the fire of this inspiration began to blaze up in
many parts of the South. Various combustible elements were present: a
sense of the appalling condition of illiteracy existing in the South; a
pride and independence of character which was hurt by the gifts of money
from the North; a feeling that the Negroes in some instances were getting
better educational opportunities than the white children; and, finally,
the splendid idealism of young men who saw clearly that the only sure
foundation for democracy is universal education.
_Inspiration of Democracy in North Carolina_
Not unnaturally the movement found its earliest expression in North
Carolina, which has been the most instinctively democratic of Southern
states. From the beginning of the country North Carolina, with its
population of Scotch-Presbyterians and Quakers, has been inspired with a
peculiar spirit of independence. When I was in Charlotte I went to see the
monument which commemorates the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence:
the work of a group of stout-hearted citizens who decided, before the
country at large was ready for it, to declare their independence of
British rule. North Carolina was among the last of the Southern states to
secede from the Union, and its treatment of its Negroes all along has been
singularly liberal. For example, in several Southern states little or no
provision is made for the Negro defective classes, but at Raleigh I
visited a large asylum for Negro deaf, dumb, and blind which is conducted
according to the most improved methods. And to-day North Carolina is freer
politically, the state is nearer a new and healthy party alignment, than
any other Southern state except Tennessee and possibly Kentucky.
Such a soil was fertile for new ideas and new movements. In 1885 two young
men, Charles D. McIver and Edwin A. Alderman, now president of the
University of Virginia, began a series of educational campaigns under the
supervision of the state. They spoke in every county, rousing the people
to build better school-houses and to send legislators to Raleigh who
should be more liberal in educational appropriations. In many cases their
rallies were comparable with the most enthusiastic political
meetings--only no one was asking to be elected to office, and the only
object was public service. As Alderman has said:
"It was an effort to move the centre of gravity from the court-house to
the school-house."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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