The most marked result of the war was the absorption of the Federalist Party, which at once began, and in five or six years was complete. In the election of 1812 eighty-nine votes had been cast for the Federalist candidate (§ 109); in 1816 there were but thirty-four (§ 123); in 1820 there was not one. This did not mean that Federalist principles had decayed or been overborne; the real reason for the extinction of that party was that it lived in the ranks of the Republican party. When Jefferson in 1801 said, "We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists," he expressed what had come to be true in 1815. The great principles for which the Federalists had striven were the right of the federal government to exercise adequate powers, and its duty to maintain the national dignity: those principles had been adopted by the Republicans. John Randolph was almost the only leader who continued to stand by the Republican doctrine enunciated by Jefferson when he became President. Jefferson himself had not scrupled to annex Louisiana, to lay the embargo, and to enforce it with a severity such as Hamilton would hardly have ventured on. Madison had twice received and used the power to discriminate between the commerce of England and of France; and during the war the nation had reimposed federal taxes and adopted Federalist principles of coercion. James Monroe, Secretary of State at the end of Madison's administration, and candidate for the Presidency in 1816, was in his political beliefs not to be distinguished from moderate Federalists like James A. Bayard in 1800. The Union arose from the disasters of the War of 1812 stronger than ever before, because the people had a larger national tradition and greater experience of national government, and because they had accepted the conception of government which Washington and Hamilton had sought to create. CHAPTER XI SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC REORGANIZATION (1815-1824). 118. REFERENCES. BIBLIOGRAPHIES.--W. E. Foster, _References to Presidential Administrations_, 15-19; Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History_, VII. 344, 345, 437-439; J.F. Jameson, _Bibliography of Monroe_ (Appendix to Oilman's _Monroe_); Channing and Hart, _Guide_, §§ 174-178. HISTORICAL MAPS.--Nos. 1 and 5, this volume, and No. 1, Wilson, _Division and Reunion_ (_Epoch Maps_ Nos. 7, 8, and 10); Labberton, _Atlas_, lxvii.; T. MacCoun, _Historical Geography, Scribner, Statistical Atlas_, Plate 14. GENERAL ACCOUNTS.--H. Von Holst, _Constitutional History_, I. 273-408; R. Hildreth, _United States_. VI. 575-713 (to 1821); James Schouler, _United States_, II. 444-463, III. 1-335; Bryant and Gay, _Popular History_. IV. 244-281; J. B. McMaster, _People of the United States_, IV. (to 1820); Geo. Tucker, _United States_, III. 146-408; J. T. Morse, _John Quincy Adams_, 102-164; Ormsby, _Whig Party_, 129-172.