Four Lectures on the English RevolutionGreen, Thomas Hill
History
Four Lectures on the English Revolution
Green, Thomas Hill
Great Britain -- History -- Puritan Revolution, 1642-1660
This utterance, fresh from the heart, explains the subsequent
alienation of Cromwell from Vane and the high republicans. He had the
fatalism about him without which nothing great is achieved in times
of political crisis; the consciousness of a divine work that must
be done through him, though personal peace and honour were wrecked
in the doing. They were men of theory and principle, ‘brave men and
true.’ but with a sense of what was ‘due to their own reputation,’
or, to speak, more kindly, men who would sacrifice themselves or
a nation indifferently to the maintenance of what might merely be
a formula. In these days of playing at heroes among the ‘inferior
races,’ such men, perhaps, receive less credit than is their due, nor
is it my purpose to measure the man of principle against the ‘man
of destiny,’ who may be a political gambler, but merely to indicate
their inevitable {349} collision. If Cromwell had been a political
gambler, he would not have been always showing his hand, nor should
we have the strange collection of impromptu letters and speeches,
speeches of which ‘he could not recall four words’ after they were
spoken, which let us see into the workings of his soul.
In the last lecture I showed that during the interval between the
final break of the independents and army with the king, marked by
the vote of no more addresses at the beginning of 1648, and his
setting out for the extinction of Hamilton, Cromwell was labouring
for such a reconciliation of parties as would gain for the inevitable
commonwealth a more general support than that of the professed
republican clique. The equal impracticability of presbyterians and
republicans, or, if we like, their equal devotion to principle,
made reconciliation impossible, and the republicans for the time
triumphed. Strong in a text of scripture, in a theory of right
borrowed from the municipal republics of Holland and Switzerland,
they shut their eyes and had their way. Cromwell knew well to what
such a spirit must lead, and his irritation at it once broke out in a
conversation with Ludlow. ‘They were a proud set of people,’ he said,
‘only considerable in their own conceits.’ For the time, however, he
had to leave them to their conceit, that he might crush the common
enemy. During the campaign, the direction in which the logic of
events, of ‘outward dispensations,’ was leading became more apparent,
and the sense of it pervades his letters. The rapture of successful
war brought back to him the old enthusiasm, the consciousness of
being the chosen leader of the saints. The righteous judge, he
thought, had been appealed to in battle, and had shown which cause
was his ‘even to amazement and admiration.’
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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