Four Lectures on the English RevolutionGreen, Thomas Hill
History
Four Lectures on the English Revolution
Green, Thomas Hill
Great Britain -- History -- Puritan Revolution, 1642-1660
The protectorate must have the credit of having been at least
perfectly true to the great end of settlement, and of having been,
however arbitrary, yet perfectly honest in its arbitrariness. It was
quite free from the jugglery with recognised names and institutions
which is the chosen device of modern despotism. The three points of
the Cromwellian programme--restoration, so far as might be, of the
old constitution, reform of the law, and the protection of the godly
interest--were really inconsistent with each other, for to restore
the constitution was impossible without a restoration of royalism,
and the restoration of royalism meant the subjection of the godly,
while a reformation of the law, not resting on a constitutional
basis, hung only on the thread of a single life. His effort, however,
to govern constitutionally was genuine and persistent. Two conditions
he always announced as fundamental, the sovereignty of the protector,
and the maintenance of liberty of conscience. The protectorate
was ‘what he would be rolled in the grave and covered with infamy
sooner than give up.’ It was for a liberty of conscience, he always
said, better than episcopacy or presbyterianism had allowed, that
the army, the true national representative, had shed its blood. To
surrender it would be to violate his most sacred trust. Subject to
these two conditions he would give parliament its way, but {362} in
the first the republican minority, in the second the presbyterian
majority, would not acquiesce. One of his parliaments imprisoned
Biddle the socinian, the other was very near burning poor James
Nayler, the quaker, but finally let him off with putting him on
the pillory and boring through his tongue. In both cases Cromwell
interfered. The final breach, however, with each of his parliaments
was due to its insisting on a discussion of the basis of government
by a single person. To tolerate this, in the presence of royalist
plots, sanctioned by a proclamation in Charles Stuart’s name for the
assassination of ‘the base mechanic fellow, Oliver Cromwell,’ and of
fifth-monarchy men who were gathering arms to fight for ‘king Jesus’
under the standard of the tribe of Judah, would have been ‘to let all
run back to blood again.’
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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