French and German Socialism in Modern TimesEly, Richard T. (Richard Theodore)
History
French and German Socialism in Modern Times
Ely, Richard T. (Richard Theodore)
Socialism -- France; Socialism -- Germany
They have two distinguishing characteristics. The vast majority of
them are laborers, and, as a rule, they expect the violent overthrow
of existing institutions by revolution to precede the introduction of
the socialistic state. I would not, by any means, say that they are all
revolutionists, but the most of them undoubtedly are. The tendency of
their popular writings is revolutionary. They are calculated to accustom
the thoughts to revolution, and to excite the feelings of laborers to
such a pitch as to prepare them for risking all in battle. If one of
their prominent organs, as, for example, _Their People’s Calendar_
(_Der arme Conrad_—“The Poor Conrad”) for 1878, is examined, one finds
revolution mentioned frequently, and invariably in such manner as to
popularize revolution as revolution. Even the most exceptionable doings
of the masses in the French Revolution, in the revolutions of 1848, and
in the insurrection of the commune in 1871, are glorified. Every fallen
laborer becomes a hero and a martyr. Hitherto the people—so the readers
of the _Arme Conrad_ are told—have fought for others, but the next time
they engage in battle it will be for themselves, and they will then
obtain their well-earned wages.
The most general demands of the social democrats are the following:
The state should exist exclusively for the laborers; land and capital
must become collective property, and production be carried on unitedly.
Private competition, in the ordinary sense of the term, is to cease.
Officers, especially charged with this function, are, by means of
carefully collected statistics, to regulate production according to
the needs of the people. Our present money is to be replaced by money
representing labor units; labor is to become the sole purchasing
power. One of the party programmes requires a distribution of products
according to the needs of each recipient. Some of the planks of the
social democratic platforms would find sympathy with the best people
in America and England. So, for example, their unceasing demand that
even the present state should forbid work on Sunday, the employment of
very young children, and labor injurious to the health and morality
of working-women. Social democrats have never failed to recognize the
advantages of education and the need of improved methods of instruction.
Their cry, as that of all popular leaders, is to increase the
appropriations for educational purposes. It is unfortunately significant
that while in America proposals to decrease the pitiable salaries of
school-teachers and otherwise diminish school expenses are often calmly
and favorably listened to by even the poorer people, in Germany no
popular politician or newspaper would dare advocate such measures. Every
project for increasing the school appropriations is there regarded with
favor by the great masses of the people.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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