Brest-Litovsk Peace Conference (1917-1918); Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921
But, of course, Hoffmann would make no concessions whatsoever. Then the
hour for reaching a decision had come. We could not declare war, for we
were too weak. The army had lost all of its internal ties. In order to
save our country, to overcome this disorganization, it was imperative to
establish the internal coherence of the toilers. This psychological tie
can only be created by constructive work in factory, field and workshop.
We had to return the masses of laborers, who had been subjected to great
and intense suffering--who had experienced catastrophes in the war--to
the fields and factories, where they must find themselves again and get
a footing in the labor world, and rebuild internal discipline. This was
the only way to save the country, which was now atoning for the sins of
Czarism and the bourgeoisie. We had to get out of the war and withdraw
the army from the slaughter house. Nevertheless, we threw this in the
face of the German militarism: The peace you are forcing down our
throats is a peace of aggression and robbery. We cannot permit you,
Messrs. Diplomats, to say to the German workingmen: "You have
characterized our demands as avaricious, as annexationist. But look,
under these very demands we have brought you the signature of the
Russian revolution." Yes, we are weak, we cannot fight at present. But
we have sufficient revolutionary courage to say that we shall not
willingly affix our signature to the treaty which you are writing with
the sword on the body of living peoples. We refused to affix our
signature. I believe we acted properly, comrades.
I do not mean to say, friends, that a German advance upon Russia is out
of the question. It were too rash to make such an assertion in view of
the great strength of the German imperialistic party. But I do believe
that the stand we have taken in the matter has rendered it far more
difficult for German militarism to advance upon us. What would happen if
it should advance? To this there is but one thing to say: If it is
possible in our country, a country completely exhausted and in a state
of desperation, to raise the spirits of the more revolutionary energetic
elements; if a struggle in defence of our Revolution and the territory
comprised within it is still possible, then this is the case only as a
result of our abandoning the war and refusing to sign the peace treaty.
THE SECOND WAR AND THE SIGNING OF PEACE
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