General History of Civilisation in Europe, From the Fall of the Roman Empire Till the French Revolution. A Treatise on Death Punishments.Guizot, François
History
General History of Civilisation in Europe, From the Fall of the Roman Empire Till the French Revolution. A Treatise on Death Punishments.
Guizot, François
Europe -- Civilization
The three great parties of the Revolution, then, had been
successively called upon to conduct it, to govern the country
according to their ability and theories; and they had been found
incapable of doing so; they had all three completely failed, and
were writhing powerless. 'It was then,' says Bossuet, 'that a man
was found who left nothing to fortune that he could place beyond
its reach by counsel and foresight;' an expression quite
erroneous, and which all history belies. No man ever left more to
fortune than Cromwell; none ever exposed more to hazard, or
proceeded with more temerity, without design or object, but the
determination to go as far as fate would permit him. Cromwell is
characterised by a boundless ambition and an admirable skill in
converting each day and each circumstance into a means of
progression, the art of turning fortune to account, without
presuming to direct it. He displayed qualities such as perhaps no
man who has pursued a career at all analogous ever evinced; he
was suited for all the phases, the most distinct and varied, of
the revolution. He was equally a man for the first as for the
last of its periods: in the beginning, the instigator of
insurrection, the promoter of anarchy, and the most fierce
revolutionist in England; subsequently, the man of reaction, the
re-establisher of order and of social organisation; thus playing
by himself alone all the parts which, in the usual course of
revolutions, are divided amongst the greatest actors. We cannot
say that Cromwell was a Mirabeau; he wanted eloquence, and in the
first years of the Long Parliament, although highly active, he
made no figure. But he was successively Danton and Bonaparte. He
had more than any other contributed to prostrate power, and he
raised it up because none other could assume and wield it. Some
government was requisite, and all aspirants to the conduct of one
miserably failed; but he succeeded. Once master of the
government, this man, whose ambition had shown itself so daring
and insatiable, who had always advanced, pushing fortune before
him, and stayed by no barrier, exhibited a good sense, prudence,
and perception of the practicable, sufficient to control his most
violent desires.
{221}
There is no doubt he had a keen relish for absolute power, and
felt a strong inclination to place the crown upon his head, and
bequeath it to his family. This latter purpose he abandoned, when
he became timeously aware of the peril it would expose him to;
and with regard to absolute power, although he practically
exercised it, he was of too sound an intellect not to comprehend
that the feeling of his age was utterly repugnant to it, that the
revolution in which he had co-operated, and which he had followed
in all its phases, had been directed against despotism, and that
the irrepressible desire of England was to be governed by a
parliament, and according to parliamentary forms. Therefore he,
the despot, by taste and in fact, endeavoured to have a
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