Geoffrey de Mandeville: A study of the AnarchyRound, John Horace
History
Geoffrey de Mandeville: A study of the Anarchy
Round, John Horace
Great Britain -- History -- Stephen, 1135-1154; Mandeville, Geoffrey de, earl of Essex, -1144
Eliensi, Tom[a] Canc[ellario], Rag[inaldo] Com[ite] Cornub', R[oberto]
Com[ite] Legrec', Rog[ero] Com[ite] de Clara, H[enrico] de Essex
Conesta[bulo], Ric[ardo] de Hum[ez] Conest[abulo], Ric[ardo] de Lucy,
War[ino] fil[io] Ger[oldi] Cam[er]ario, Man[assero] Bisset dap[ifero],
Rob[er]to de Dunest[anvilla] et Jos[celino] de Baillolio) Apud
Cantuariam.
The first point to be considered is that of the date. It is obvious at
once from the names of the primate and the chancellor that the charter
must be previous to the king's departure from England in 1158. But the
only occasion within this limit on which the charter can have passed is
that of the king's visit to Canterbury on his way to Dover and the
Continent in January, 1156 (115⅚). On no other occasion within this
limit did he land at or depart from Dover. Now, it is quite certain that
the charter to Earl Aubrey (de Vere), which is tested "Apud Dover in
transitu Regis," passed at the time of this departure from Dover
(January 10, 1156).[735] We find, then, that as in 1142 the charters to
Earl Geoffrey and Earl Aubrey were part of one transaction and passed on
the same occasion, so now, the charters to Earl Geoffrey the second and
Earl Aubrey, his uncle, passed almost on the same day. The long list of
witnesses to the former, for which we are indebted to the Rawlinson MS.,
enables us to compare it closely with those of the four other charters
which passed, according to Mr. Eyton, about the same time.[736] The
proportions of their witnesses found among the witnesses to this charter
are respectively: seven out of ten in the first; nine out of eighteen in
the second; the whole ten in the third; and seven out of fourteen in the
fourth. As the king had spent his Christmas at Westminster, we can thus
fix the date almost to a day, viz. _circ._ January 2, 1156. And this
harmonizes well enough with the evidence of the Pipe-Rolls, which show
that Earl Geoffrey was in receipt of the _tertius denarius_ in 1157, as
from Michaelmas, 1155.
On looking at the terms of this instrument, we are struck at once by the
fact that it is a charter of actual creation. This is in perfect
accordance with the view advanced above, namely, that the charter
granted at Devizes to this Geoffrey, as his father's son, has no bearing
on the earldom of Essex, "and that only an absolutely new creation could
confer the earldom on Geoffrey, as he was not his father's heir." It is
thus that the existence of his brother Ernulf became a factor in the
problem of no small consequence.[737]
Being thus an undoubted new creation, its terms should be examined most
carefully. It will then be found that the precedent they follow is not
the charter of the Empress (1141), but the original charter of the king
(1140).
STEPHEN
(1140).
Sciatis me fecisse Comitem de Gaufrido de Magnauillâ de Comitatu Essexe
hereditarie.
MAUD
(1141).
Sciatis omnes ... quod ego ... do et concedo Gaufrido de Magnavilla ...
ut sit Comes de Essexâ.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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