Geoffrey de Mandeville: A study of the AnarchyRound, John Horace
History
Geoffrey de Mandeville: A study of the Anarchy
Round, John Horace
Great Britain -- History -- Stephen, 1135-1154; Mandeville, Geoffrey de, earl of Essex, -1144
For this passage has nothing to do with "the transient character of the
new dignities": it alludes to a totally different subject, the _death_
of certain magnates, and is written in the spirit of Henry of
Huntingdon's _De Contemptu Mundi_.[823] The magnates referred to are
Geoffrey, Earl of Essex (d. 1144); Miles, Earl of Hereford (d. 1143);
Randulf, Earl of Chester (d. 1153); Count Alan of Richmond (d. 1146?);
Simon, Earl of Northampton (d. 1153); and Gilbert, Earl of Pembroke (d.
1148).[824] Their names alone are sufficient to show that the passage
has been misunderstood, for no one could suggest that the Earl of
Chester or Earl Simon, Waltheof's heir, enjoyed "new dignities," or that
their earldoms proved of a "transient character."[825]
Of the three cases of actual displacement tentatively selected by Dr.
Stubbs, Bedford may be at once rejected; for Hugh de Beaumont had lost
the dignity (so far as he ever possessed it[826]), together with the
fief itself, in 1141.[827] York requires separate treatment: William of
Aumâle sometimes, but rarely, styled himself, under Stephen, Earl of
York; he did not, however, under Henry II., lose his comital rank,[828]
and that is sufficient for my purpose. The earldom of Dorset (or
Somerset) is again a special case. Its existence is based—(1) on "Earl
William de Mohun" appearing as a witness in June, 1141; (2) on the
statement in the _Gesta_ that he was made Earl of Dorset in 1141; (3) on
his founding Bruton Priory, as "William de Mohun, Earl of Somerset," in
1142. The terms of the charter to Earl Aubrey may imply a doubt as to
the _status_ of this earldom, even in 1142, but, in any case, it does
not subsequently occur, so far as is at present known, and there is
nothing to connect the disappearance of the title with the accession of
Henry II.[829]
Such slight evidence as we have on the dealings of Henry with the earls
is opposed to the view that anything was done, as suggested, "at the
coronation" (December 19, 1154). It was not, we have seen, till January,
1156, that charters were granted dealing with the earldoms of Essex and
of Oxford. And it can only have been when some time had elapsed since
the coronation that Hugh Bigod obtained a charter creating him anew Earl
of Norfolk.[830]
To sum up the result of this inquiry, we have now seen that no such
beings as "fiscal" earls ever existed. No chronicler mentions the name,
and their existence is based on nothing but a false assumption. Stephen
did not "incautiously" confer on men in a state of "poverty" the dignity
of earl; he did not make provision for them by Exchequer pensions; no
promise was made, in the terms between Henry and himself, to degrade or
cashier any such earls; and no proof exists that any were so cashiered
when Henry came to the throne. Indeed, we may go further and say that
Stephen's earldoms all continued, and that their alleged abolition, as a
general measure, has been here absolutely disproved.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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