Geoffrey de Mandeville: A study of the AnarchyRound, John Horace
History
Geoffrey de Mandeville: A study of the Anarchy
Round, John Horace
Great Britain -- History -- Stephen, 1135-1154; Mandeville, Geoffrey de, earl of Essex, -1144
One cannot but be greatly struck by the names of the witnesses to this
charter. The legate and his four brother prelates, who had been with the
Empress in Winchester, at her reception on March 3, are here with her
again at Westminster. So are her three inseparable companions; but where
are the magnates of England? Two west-country earls, one of them of her
own making,[318] and a few west-country barons virtually complete the
list. I do not say that these were, of necessity, the sole constituents
of her court; but there is certainly the strongest possible presumption
that had she been joined in person by any number of bishops or nobles,
we should not have found so important a charter witnessed merely by the
members of the _entourage_ that she had brought up with her from the
west. We have, for instance, but to compare this list with that of the
witnesses to Stephen's charter six months later.[319] Or, indeed, we may
compare it, to some disadvantage, with that of the Empress herself a
month later at Oxford.[320] Where were the primate and the Bishop of
London? Where was the King of Scots? These questions are difficult to
answer. It may, however, be suggested that the general disgust at her
intolerable arrogance,[321] and her harshness to the king,[322] kept the
magnates from attending her court.[323] Her inability to repel the
queen's forces, and her instant flight before the Londoners, are alike
suggestive of the fact that her followers were comparatively few.
There are several points of constitutional importance upon which this
instructive charter sheds some welcome light.
In the first place we should compare it with Stephen's charter (p. 51),
to which, in Mr. Eyton's words, it forms the "counter-patent."[324] In
the former the words of creation are: "Sciatis me fecisse comitem de
Gaufredo," etc. In the charter of the Empress they run thus: "Sciatis
... quod ... do et concedo Gaufredo de Magnavilla ... ut sit Comes,"
etc. This contrast is in itself conclusive as to the earldom having been
first _created_ by Stephen and then _recognized_ by the Empress. This
being so, it is the more strange that Mr. Eyton should have arrived at
the contrary conclusion, especially as he noticed the stronger form in
the charter creating the earldom of Hereford ("Sciatis me fecisse
Milonem de Glocestriâ Comitem"), a form corresponding with that in
Stephen's charter to Geoffrey. The earldom of Hereford being _created_
by the Empress, as that of Essex had been by Stephen, we find the same
formula duly employed by both. The distinction thus established is one
of considerable importance.
The special grant of the "tertius denarius" is a point of such extreme
interest in its bearing on earls and earldoms that it requires to be
separately discussed in a note devoted to the subject.[325]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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