But Fauquier was as much in need of funds as Dinwiddie had been. He answered that that was not the point to be considered. What was important was what would please the people. So he gave the act his approval. "The bill was a temporary law to ease the people from a burden which the country thought too great for them to bear," he wrote the Lords of Trade. "A suspending clause would have been to all intents and purposes the same as rejecting it.... The country were intent upon it ... and I conceived it would be a very strong step for me to take ... to set my face against the whole colony.... I am persuaded that if I had refused it, I must have despaired of our gaining any influence either in the Council or the House of Burgesses."[9] But the clergy were determined to bring the matter to an issue. Commissary Dawson advised caution, but pressure from other ministers forced him to call a convention. When they met they not only vented their indignation in many denunciations of the Two-penny Act, but drew up an address to the King entitled "The Representation of the Clergy." In it they hammered on the point that their cause was his cause. The act was as injurious to the royal prerogative as to the rights of the Church. "It gives us great concern that an ancient, standing law of this dominion, confirmed by the sanction of the royal assent, is no security to our livings."[10] This appeal they entrusted to the Reverend John Camm with instructions to place it in the King's hands. Camm, who later became Commissary, President of the College of William and Mary, and a member of the Council, was a man of great ability, but according to Fauquier, turbulent and delighting "to live in a flame." On his arrival in England he obtained an interview with the King and delivered the "Representation." His Majesty referred it to the Privy Council, who, in turn, handed it on to the Board of Trade. This suited Camm exactly, for his trump card was the Bishop of London, and the Bishop's influence with the Board was great. His Lordship was exasperated at the presumption of the Virginia Assembly. "To make an act to suspend the operations of the royal act is an attempt which in some times would have been called treason, and I do not know any other name for it in our law," he told the Board. "To assume a power to bind the King's hands, and to say how far his power shall go and where it shall stop, is such an act of supremacy as is inconsistent with the dignity of the Crown of England." It manifestly tended to draw the colonists from their allegiance to the King for them to find that they had a higher power to protect them. "Surely it is time for us to look about us, and to consider the several steps lately taken in the diminution of the prerogative and influence of the Crown."