English essays -- 20th century; Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910
I confess that it strikes me as a little absurd that the very wing of
the Socialist army which most enthusiastically defends the obviously
sensible policy of forming an alliance with the Unions without asking
its allies to swallow imposing Socialist formulae, should be the one
to throw over the one effective link between Socialism and Trade
Unionism,--the recognition of the Class War. The result of this
repudiation and of the high-sounding humanitarian rhetoric with which
it is accompanied has been to hopelessly estrange the I.L.P. from the
Trade Union movement, so that it is now hardly more influential in that
direction than the S.D.F. itself. The I.L.P. does indeed to some degree
enlarge its boundaries, but the type of man it now principally attracts
is not the trade unionist or the labourer. The sort of person who finds
the I.L.P. creed as mirrored in the utterance of Messrs. Keir Hardie
and Bruce Glasier exactly to his taste is the wavering Nonconformist in
process of ceasing to believe in God who is looking about for something
“undenominational” to believe in. Universal Love, Brotherhood,
Righteousness--all that sort of thing suits him down to the ground. The
phenomenon is no new one in history. Just the same kind of sentiment
underlays the political propaganda of Isaac Butt, of Vergniaud, of Sir
Harry Vane. Its track is across history; its name is Girondism, and
its end has always been futility and disaster. The pious Girondins
were shocked at Danton’s declaration “terror is the order of the day,”
just as the I.L.P. rhetoricians are shocked at the recognition of the
Class War, because it contradicted their sentimental assumptions. But
Terror was the order of the day, and it was only because Terror was the
order of the day that France was saved from foreign conquerors and the
Revolution became an accomplished fact.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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