Great Men and Famous Women. Vol. 4: A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History
History
Great Men and Famous Women. Vol. 4: A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History
Biography
None but the incorrigibly childish can be inclined to ascribe to good
luck a prosperous career extending over near twenty-three years, spent
under the fiercest glare of the world's sunshine. No minister of any
age was more bitterly assailed or opposed, even at the court of which he
is now the acknowledged major domus in the manner of the Pepins and
other Thum-Meiers of the Frankish monarchy. The king's brother, Prince
Charles, detested the innovator whose opinions on the necessity of
Austria being removed from membership in a remodelled German
confederation, had for years leaked out from the despatch-boxes of the
Foreign Office. Even the Junkers, whose dauntless leader he had been
before and after the revolutionary events of 1848, shrank instinctively
from a man who could not be credited with veneration for the Holy
Alliance. It is remembered in Berlin that, on the nomination of one of
them, well at court, a diplomatist of some standing, to the post of
under-secretary of state for foreign affairs, the new member of the
government confessed to his friends that he accepted the post _in spite_
of Bismarck's "foreign" policy, and only in consideration of his
contempt for parliamentarism. The queen, on the other hand, brought up
in principles of constitutional government, and strongly attached to the
English alliance, viewed with horror the bold pugilist who was daily
assailing, not the persons only of the people's representatives, but
some of the very foundations of every parliamentary edifice. Yet fiercer
was the animosity shown him on every occasion by the Princess Royal of
England, whose father had early taught her that a throne, to be safe,
requires absolute solidity of institutions and agreement with the
people, and who seriously trembled for the preservation of her
children's future. Her husband expressed himself forcibly on a public
occasion against some reactionary measures of the government. As the
court, so were the liberal parties, so the people in general. When a
fanatic, of the name of Kohn, attempted Bismarck's life in May, 1866,
there were few persons who did not regret his failure. It may be said
with truth that, for years, two men only understood a portion at least
of his political views, and shared them. One was King William. Isolated
as Herr von Bismarck was, he learned to rely implicitly on his
sovereign's faithfulness, and has had no reason to regret his trust; for
the king, though greatly his inferior in intellect, and far from unblest
with legitimist predilections, was as firmly convinced as his minister
that the confederation of German states, and Prussia herself, might be
swept away unless placed upon a new footing, in one of those tornadoes
which used periodically to blow across the continent of Europe. Thus,
the new departure was as much his own programme as Bismarck's, and
although he started (in 1861) with a hankering after "moral" rather than
material conquests, he gradually understood the necessity for war, and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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