Great Men and Famous Women. Vol. 4: A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History
History
Great Men and Famous Women. Vol. 4: A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History
Biography
Now, what is the clew to this comedy of errors? No mere waywardness or
perversity of character, but some powerful bias and a first-cousinship
in principle must account for one of the strangest anomalies in modern
history. Perhaps the following consideration will render both the "bias"
and the "first-cousinship" at least intelligible. Prince Bismarck is a
good hater. Now, if he has any one antipathy stronger than another, and
that through life, it is that against the burgher class, the reverse of
aristocrats, the born liberals, townsmen mostly yet not exclusively--the
"bourgeois," as the French call them (although, if I err not, the exact
counterpart to the "bourgeois" species is not found on German soil), a
law-abiding set, independent of government, paying their taxes, and
thoroughly happy. When they, through their representatives, bade him
defiance in 1862 to 1865, and thwarted his measures of coercion, his
inmost soul cried, _Acheronta movebo!_ He sent for Lassalle, he paid his
successors' debts, and generally assisted the sect. So much for the
"bias." And now for the "first-cousinship." No student of history will
deny that despotism, whenever it has arisen, or been preserved in highly
civilized communities, will extend more of a fatherly care to the masses
than liberalism. This cannot be otherwise; for liberalism sets itself to
educate the masses to self-responsibility, and each individual to thrift
and self-reliance. The sight of an able-bodied beggar is, to a genuine
liberal, a source of anger first, and only on further contemplation, of
pity. He will exert all his energies to remove every obstacle from out
of the way of his poorer brethren; he will preach wise economy, and
facilitate it by personal sacrifices and legislative inducements; but he
will not tempt the government of his country to act as a second
providence for the operative classes. Quite the reverse is Bismarck's
opinion. According to him, the state should exercise "practical
Christianity." With Titanic resolution to drive out Satan through
Beelzebub, he does not shrink from acknowledging and proclaiming the
"right of labor." There is probably nothing left to say after your lips
have spoken these unholy, blood-stained words. If there was, he would be
the man to say it rather than allow himself to be outbid by mob-leaders
of the socialistic feather. _Droit au travail_, forsooth! The phrase has
cost thousands their lives in the Parisian carnage of June, 1848. In the
mouth of Karl Marx and other outspoken champions of his cause, it means
absorption by the state of all the _sources_ of labor, such as land and
factories, because by such absorption only can the state insure work for
the unemployed. In the mouth of Bismarck it means a lesser thing, of
course, in extent, but not in its essence. As chief minister of Prussia
he has ably brought about the purchase of nearly all lines of railway
within that monarchy. As chancellor of the empire he has tried his very
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account