Great Men and Famous Women. Vol. 6: A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History
History
Great Men and Famous Women. Vol. 6: A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History
Biography
Soon after his liberation, Kossuth came forward as the principal
editor of the _Pesth Gazette_ (_Pesthi Hirlap_), which a bookseller
who enjoyed the protection of the Government had received permission
to establish. The name of the editor was now sufficient to electrify
the country; and Kossuth at once stood forth as the advocate of the
rights of the lower and middle classes against the inordinate
privileges and immunities enjoyed by the magnates. But when he went
to the extent of demanding that the house-tax should be paid by all
classes in the community, not even excepting the highest nobility, a
party was raised up against him among the nobles, who established a
paper to combat so disorganizing a doctrine. This party, backed by
the influence of the Government, succeeded in defeating the election
of Kossuth as member from Pesth for the Diet of 1843. He was,
however, very active in the local assembly of the capital.
Kossuth was not altogether without support among the higher nobles.
The blind old Wesselenyi traversed the country, advocating rural
freedom and the abolition of the urbarial burdens. Among his
supporters at this period, also, was Count Louis Batthyanyi, one of
the most considerable of the Magyar magnates, subsequently President
of the Hungarian Ministry, and the most illustrious martyr of the
Hungarian cause. Aided by his powerful support, Kossuth was again
brought forward, in 1847, as one of the two candidates from Pesth.
The Government party, aware that they were in a decided minority,
limited their efforts to an attempt to defeat the election of
Kossuth. This they endeavored to effect by stratagem, but failed
utterly.
Kossuth no sooner took his seat in the Diet than the foremost place
was at once conceded to him. At the opening of the session he moved
an address to the king, concluding with the petition that "liberal
institutions, similar to those of the Hungarian Constitution, might
be accorded to all the hereditary states, that thus might be created
a united Austrian monarchy, based upon broad and constitutional
principles." During the early months of the session Kossuth showed
himself a most accomplished parliamentary orator and debater; and
carried on a series of attacks upon the policy of the Austrian
cabinet, which for skill and power have few parallels in the annals
of parliamentary warfare. Those form a very inadequate conception of
its scope and power, whose ideas of the eloquence of Kossuth are
derived solely from the impassioned and exclamatory harangues which
he flung out during the war. These were addressed to men wrought up
to the utmost tension, and can be judged fairly only by men in a
state of high excitement. He adapted his matter and manner to the
occasion and the audience. Some of his speeches are marked by a
stringency of logic worthy of Webster or Calhoun; but it was what
all eloquence of a high order must ever be--"logic red-hot."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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