Greece and the Allies, 1914-1922Abbott, G. F. (George Frederick)
History
Greece and the Allies, 1914-1922
Abbott, G. F. (George Frederick)
Greece -- Foreign relations; Greece -- Politics and government -- 1913-1917; World War, 1914-1918 -- Greece
M. Skouloudis endeavoured to make the German Government dissuade the
General Staff from its project. Falkenhayn, he said, was misinformed
as to an English advance--only small mounted patrols had crossed the
Struma. He suspected that he was deceived and instigated by the
Bulgars who, under cover of military exigencies, sought to realize
their well-known ambitions at the expense of Greece. Their frequent
misdeeds had already irritated Greek public opinion to such a degree
that he could not answer for the consequences, should the project be
carried out. The appearance of Bulgarian troops in Macedonia would
create a national ferment of which Venizelos and the Entente Powers
would take advantage in order to overthrow the present Ministry and
force Greece into war.[5]
Impressed by these arguments, the German Government did its utmost to
induce Falkenhayn to abandon his scheme; von Jagow even going so far as
to draw up, with the assistance of the Greek Minister at Berlin, a
remonstrance to the Chief of the General Staff. But it was all to no
purpose. The political department had very little influence over the
High Command. Falkenhayn insisted on the accuracy of his information,
and adhered to his own point of view. He could not understand, he
said, why a German move should cause any special excitement in Greece,
seeing that it was directed against the French and the English, who
paid no heed to Greek susceptibilities, and he irritably complained
that, while Greece allowed the Entente full liberty to improve its
position day by day, she raised the greatest obstacles to Germany's
least demand.[6] In brief, from being more or less pliant, the Chief
of the General Staff became rigid: he would no longer submit to rebuffs
and denials. Strategic reasons, perhaps, had brought about this
change; perhaps the Bulgars were the instigators. It is impossible to
say, {98} and it does not much matter. The essential fact is that the
man had power and meant to use it.
There followed a formal communication from the German and Bulgarian
Ministers at Athens to M. Skouloudis, stating that their troops were
compelled in self-defence to push into Greek territory, and assuring
him that neither the integrity and sovereignty of Greece nor the
persons and property of the inhabitants would in any way suffer by this
temporary occupation. M. Skouloudis took note of this decision without
assenting to it, but also without protesting: he felt, he said, that a
premature protest could only lose Greece the guarantees of restoration
and reparation offered. Sufficient unto the day the evil thereof:
confronted with powerful Empires in the height of their military
strength, he had done all that was humanly possible to ward off their
advance, and, though unsuccessful in the end, he had at least obtained
a solemn pledge of their ultimate retreat. The protest came a few days
later, when the invasion actually took place.[7]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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