Greece -- History; Greece -- Politics and government; Imperialism
Aristotle[63] must have harped on the theme that "man is naturally a
city-dwelling animal and that one who is not a native of a city, if
the cause of his isolation be natural and not accidental, is either
a superhuman being or low in the scale of civilization, as he stands
alone like a 'blot' on the backgammon board. The 'clanless, lawless,
hearthless' man so bitterly described by Homer is a case in point; for
he is naturally a native of no city and a lover of war." We can imagine
the philosopher insisting that just as city life was synonymous with
civilized life, so city was synonymous with state; that the highest
of all human activities, the exercise of political functions, was
destroyed the moment a city became dependent upon an outside power;
that subjects could not exist permanently unless the conquered were
natural inferiors like the Asiatics; that it was, however, to the
interest of such persons that they should be ruled by their superiors,
in the case of Asiatics, by the Greeks. Such were the oft-repeated
maxims of the political philosopher in whose age Philip rejoiced, it
is said,[64] "that his son was born, since his teaching would make
him worthy of his father and equal to the position to which he was to
succeed." Such was the literary and political education of Alexander:
his military training and his knowledge of affairs he got in the
unrivaled school of his father; but in this connection it is well to
remember the admission of Napoleon:[65] "War is a singular art; I can
assure you that fighting sixty battles taught me nothing I did not know
at the first one. The essential quality of the general is firmness,
and that is a gift from heaven."
It is not my purpose to give a biographical sketch of Alexander, nor
yet to tell the story of his marvelous conquests, or to estimate the
consequences of his work on the later course of history. I have had in
mind while preparing this chapter first to emphasize such features in
his family and education as help to explain his political thinking, and
then, somewhat in Plutarch's fashion, to pick up such incidents in his
career as show concretely how precisely he aimed to organize his world
empire.
* * * * *
Where the political sagacity of Alexander stood forth most
conspicuously, according to Napoleon, was in the skill with which he
appealed to the imagination of men. Love of symbolism was ingrained
in his nature. By an act which he went deliberately out of his way to
perform he contrived again and again to illumine an entire situation,
to drive home a lesson, to reveal a policy. In a way it was a kind
of advertising; a means of conveying to the world at large in an
unmistakable manner the will and attitude of the monarch. But it was
more than that. It was the application in the world of politics of a
mode of expression with which the Greeks were familiar in the world of
the plastic arts.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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