The debate reports of 1789 betray a certain indecision on the matter;
the two privileged classes--nobles and clergy--when they were not
indifferent to the whole question, leant towards suppression; the Third
Estate--for the election of which the small crafts had not received
equal treatment with "great" commerce, the liberal professions, and the
rich bourgeoisie--were divided almost equally, one half favouring the
abolition, the other the reformation, which implied the retention, of
the system.
Apparently at first the latter carried the day. On the night of August
4, 1789, the reformation of masterships was one of the numerous motions
voted with enthusiasm. But less than two years later, in March 1791,
in a bill for the taxation of licences, the mover, Dallard, had the
following article (number 8), inserted:
From April 1 next, inclusive, every citizen will be free to carry
on whatever profession or trade seems good to him, after having
procured and paid for a licence.
This meant the end of masterships and wardenships. An indemnity was
to be allowed the masters for the money they had spent, and to the
wigmakers and to the barbers for the posts they had bought. With no
fuss, almost without discussion, and without finding any one to defend
them in the Assembly, the guilds ceased to be after an existence which
had lasted for many centuries.
In June of the same year, a new law was destined to stifle any
inclination they might have shown to come to life again. The pretext
given for condemning them to their fate was the formation of societies
of workers with the object of raising wages. Chapelier, affirming
that it was the duty of the State to assist the infirm and find work
for those who needed it in order to live, protested against every
association which claimed to substitute a collective contract for the
individual contract between master and workers.[144] Article 2 of the
law in question reads:
Citizens of the same condition or profession, middlemen, those who
keep open shops, workmen and _compagnons_ of whatever art, may not,
when they find themselves together, nominate president, secretary
or syndic, keep registers, pass resolutions, make regulations for
what they claim to be their common interests, or bind themselves by
agreements leading to the concerted refusal or to the granting only
at a certain price, of the help of their industry and labours.
According to a phrase taken from a petition addressed by the
master-builders to the municipality of Paris, the above resolutions
and agreements, if they ever happened to be made, had to be declared
"unconstitutional, opposed to liberty and to the declaration of the
rights of Man"; the authors, instigators, and signatories of these acts
or writings were to pay a fine of £500 each, and to be deprived for
a year of their rights of active citizenship. Severer penalties were
provided in all cases of threat and unlawful assembly.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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