Handbook of Home Rule: Being Articles on the Irish Question
History
Handbook of Home Rule: Being Articles on the Irish Question
Home rule -- Ireland; Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1837-1901; Irish question
force of many-sided oppression, and until long after the accession of
George III. had scarcely a consciousness of political existence. As long
as the great bulk of the nation could be equated to zero, the Episcopal
monopolists had no motive for cultivating the good-will of the
Presbyterians, who like the Roman Catholics maintained their religion,
with the trivial exception of the _Regium Donum_, by their own
resources, and who differed from them in being not persecuted, but only
disabled. And this monopoly, which drew from the sacred name of religion
its title to exist, offered through centuries an example of religious
sterility to which a parallel can hardly be found among the communions
of the Christian world. The sentiment, then, which animated the earlier
efforts of the Parliament might be _Iricism_, but did not become
patriotism until it had outgrown, and had learned to forswear or to
forget, the conditions of its infancy. Neither did it for a long time
acquire the courage of its opinions; for, when Lucas, in the middle of
the century, reasserted the doctrine of Molyneux and of Swift, the Grand
Jury of Dublin took part against him, and burned his book.[84] And the
Parliament,[85] prompted by the Government, drove him into exile. And
yet the smoke showed that there was fire. The infant, that confronted
the British Government in the Parliament House, had something of the
young Hercules about him. In the first exercises of strength he acquired
more strength, and in acquiring more strength he burst the bonds that
had confined him.
"Es machte mir zu eng, ich mussie fort."[86]
The reign of George IV. began with resolute efforts of the Parliament
not to lengthen, as in England under his grandfather, but to shorten its
own commission, and to become septennial. Surely this was a noble
effort. It meant the greatness of their country, and it meant also
personal self-sacrifice. The Parliament which then existed, elected
under a youth of twenty-two, had every likelihood of giving to the bulk
of its members a seat for life. This they asked to change for a
_maximum_ term of seven years. This from session to session, in spite of
rejection after rejection in England, they resolutely fought to obtain.
It was an English amendment which, on a doubtful pretext; changed seven
years to eight. Without question some acted under the pressure of
constituents; but only a minority of the members had constituents, and
popular exigencies from such a quarter might have been bought off by an
occasional vote, and could not have induced a war with the Executive and
with England so steadily continued, unless a higher principle had been
at work.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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